Watch the Last, Transcendent Performance of “Echoes” by Pink Floyd Keyboardist Richard Wright & David Gilmour (2006)

“Gen­tle, unas­sum­ing and pri­vate.” These are the words David Gilmour chose in his eulo­gy of Richard Wright, Pink Floyd’s key­board play­er and co-song­writer, who joined the band in 1964 and stayed with them through all of their major albums, leav­ing after The Wall and rejoin­ing for A Momen­tary Lapse of Rea­son. Wright was the qui­et one; drum­mer Nick Mason com­pared him to George Har­ri­son, and like Har­ri­son, he was also Pink Floy­d’s secret weapon, help­ing to deliv­er many of their most career-defin­ing songs.

Wright may rarely get much men­tion in song­writ­ing trib­utes to Pink Floyd’s war­ring lead­ers or its trag­ic elfin first singer/songwriter Syd Bar­rett (“had his pro­file been any low­er,” one obit­u­ary put it, “he would have been report­ed miss­ing.”), but his “soul­ful voice and play­ing were vital, mag­i­cal com­po­nents of our most rec­og­nized Pink Floyd sound,” Gilmour went on. “In my view, all of the great­est PF moments are the ones where he is in full flow.”

Wright’s jazz train­ing gave an impro­visato­ry bent. His for­mal music edu­ca­tion gave him an ear for com­po­si­tion. He was the band’s most ver­sa­tile musi­cian, play­ing dozens of instru­ments in addi­tion to his sig­na­ture Farfisa organ, and he was equal­ly at home writ­ing orches­tral pieces or falling into what­ev­er groove the band cooked up, as on their sixth stu­dio album, Med­dle, which emerged from sev­er­al stages of exper­i­men­tal meth­ods and hap­py acci­dents like the “ping” sound Wright’s piano makes at the begin­ning of the sprawl­ing epic “Echoes,” the 23-minute sec­ond side of the album.

The song con­tin­ued to grow, over­dub by over­dub. Waters wrote lyrics, Gilmour exper­i­ment­ed with a sound effect he’d stum­bled on by plug­ging his wah-wah ped­al in back­wards. If you ask Wright, as Mojo did in their final inter­view with him in 2008, the year of his death, it was large­ly his piece. Or at least, “the whole piano thing at the begin­ning and the chord struc­ture for the song is mine.”

Like so many of Wright’s com­po­si­tions, “Echoes” is also a show­case for Gilmour’s soar­ing solos and del­i­cate rhythm play­ing. The inter­play between the two musi­cians is on tran­scen­dent dis­play in Wright’s final, live 2006 per­for­mance of the song before he suc­cumbed to can­cer two years lat­er, for an audi­ence of 50,000 at the Gdańsk Ship­yard in Poland, record­ed on the last show of Gilmour’s On an Island tour.

This is real­ly great stuff. The filmed per­for­mance, which appears on Gilmour’s album and con­cert film Live in Gdańsk, shows both Wright and Gilmour in top form, trad­ing solos and cre­at­ing the kind of atmos­phere only those two could. Gilmour has said he’ll nev­er per­form the song again with­out Wright. It’s hard to imag­ine that he even could.

The band closed with the 20-plus-minute “Echoes” every night of the tour, and Wright brought out his old Farfisa just for the song. Giv­en how long Gilmour and Wright had been com­plet­ing each other’s vir­tu­oso strengths as co-cre­ators of instru­men­tal moods, every per­for­mance on the tour was sure­ly some­thing spe­cial. But in hind­sight, none are as mov­ing as this one—the last time fans would ever have the expe­ri­ence of see­ing Pink Floyd, or one ver­sion of them, recre­ate the mag­ic of “Echoes” live onstage.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Pink Floyd Stream­ing Free Clas­sic Con­cert Films, Start­ing with 1994’s Pulse, the First Live Per­for­mance of Dark Side of the Moon in Full

Pink Floyd Films a Con­cert in an Emp­ty Audi­to­ri­um, Still Try­ing to Break Into the U.S. Charts (1970)

Clare Torry’s Rare Live Per­for­mances of “Great Gig in the Sky” with Pink Floyd

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

Revisit Six of Elton John’s Most Iconic Concerts, Streaming in Their Entirety for 72 Hours

Just as Bohemi­an Rhap­sody intro­duced Fred­dy Mer­cury to an unsus­pect­ing gen­er­a­tion of young fans, last year’s Elton John biopic, Rock­et­manhas net­ted its sub­ject a host of fresh admir­ers.

John’s newest fans were born into a far dif­fer­ent world than the one that was astound­ed when he declared, in a 1976 inter­view with Rolling Stone, that he was bisex­u­al.

Now a knight (the first open­ly gay musi­cian to be so anoint­ed), Sir Elton is using his enor­mous pub­lic plat­form to encour­age youth who may be strug­gling with their sex­u­al­i­ty or gen­der iden­ti­ty and to end the glob­al AIDS epi­dem­ic.

To date, the Elton John AIDS Foun­da­tion has raised over $450,000,000 to sup­port HIV-relat­ed pro­grams in fifty-five coun­tries, and is now dou­bling down with coro­n­avirus relief efforts for the pop­u­la­tion it has long served.

To that end, Sir Elton is revis­it­ing six of his most icon­ic per­for­mances over the last half-cen­tu­ry, post­ing a con­cert in its entire­ty to his Youtube chan­nel every week in hope that view­ers will be moved to make a dona­tion at con­cert’s end.

(As fur­ther incen­tive, an anony­mous sup­port­er has pledged to match dona­tions up to $250,000.)

Each con­cert streams for 72 hours, but clips of indi­vid­ual songs linger longer.

Last week the Clas­sic Con­cert Series turned the dial back 30 years to find Sir Elton play­ing a 1st-cen­tu­ry Roman amphitheater—Italy’s Are­na di Verona—as part of his 130-show Reg Strikes Back tour. His inter­play with singers Mor­tonette Jenk­ins, Mar­lena Jeter, and Kud­is­an Kai dur­ing an 8‑minute gospel-tinged spin on “Sad Songs (Say So Much),” above, is a high­light of the 22-song set.

The series kicked off at the Play­house The­ater in Edin­burgh in 1976 as “Don’t Go Break­ing My Heart” was top­ping the charts, and con­tin­ues to the Syd­ney Enter­tain­ment Cen­ter ten years fur­ther on, when Sir Elton defied doc­tor’s orders, per­form­ing despite vocal nod­ules.

On July 24, John takes us along to Rio’s Esta­dio Do Fla­men­go when the release of 1995’s Made In Eng­land prompt­ed his first ever tour of Brazil.

The fol­low­ing week, we’ll enter the 21st-cen­tu­ry with a pit­stop at Madi­son Square Gar­den before the series comes to a close at the Great Amphithe­ater in Eph­esus, Turkey.

Watch Elton John’s Clas­sic Con­cert Series on his Youtube chan­nel, and even though it’s not oblig­a­tory,  seek out the blue dona­tion but­ton that appears on every post. You can also make a tax deductible dona­tion via the Elton John AIDS Foun­da­tion’s web­site.

Relat­ed Con­tent: 

Elton John Proves He Can Turn any Text into a Song: Watch Him Impro­vise with Lines from Hen­rik Ibsen’s Play, Peer Gynt

Elton John Takes Us Through the Cre­ative Process of His Ear­ly Hit “Tiny Dancer” (1970)

Elton John Sings His Clas­sic Hit ‘Your Song’ Through the Years

Ayun Hal­l­i­day is an author, illus­tra­tor, the­ater mak­er and Chief Pri­ma­tol­o­gist of the East Vil­lage Inky zine. Fol­low her @AyunHalliday.

W.E.B. Du Bois Devastates Apologists for Confederate Monuments and Robert E. Lee (1931)

Who won the U.S. Civ­il War? “The north, of course,” you say… but ah… if you did not know the answer, you would have rea­son to be con­fused. Who los­es a war and puts up stat­ues of its heroes on the vic­tor’s land? In the south, say, in North­ern Vir­ginia, you’ll find pub­lic shrines to Stonewall Jack­son, pub­lic high­ways named for Jef­fer­son Davis, and pub­lic schools named after Robert E. Lee and J.E.B. Stew­art. These are not his­tor­i­cal mon­u­ments, i.e. pre­served bat­tle­fields, grave­yards, or his­toric homes. They were erect­ed decades after the war. You’ll find them in Cal­i­for­nia, Ore­gon, and Wash­ing­ton state, which did not exist at the time.

Next ques­tion: who did the Con­fed­er­a­cy fight in the Civ­il War? The Union, of course. But the lead­ers of the region also warred with anoth­er ene­my, as they had for over two hun­dred years: mil­lions of enslaved peo­ple kept in bru­tal sub­jec­tion. In many respects, they won this war, though they lost the priv­i­leges of legal slav­ery. Once Andrew John­son came to pow­er, the south rein­sti­tut­ed con­di­tions that were often more or less the same for Black peo­ple as they had been before the war. Grant strug­gled to reverse the tide, but Recon­struc­tion ulti­mate­ly failed.

This is the vic­to­ry the south com­mem­o­rat­ed when orga­ni­za­tions like the Unit­ed Daugh­ters of the Con­fed­er­a­cy and Sons of Con­fed­er­ate Vet­er­ans put up mon­u­ments to south­ern gen­er­als all over the coun­try. It is the vic­to­ry invoked by the Bat­tle Flag of the Army of North­ern Vir­ginia (or the “Con­fed­er­ate Flag”). A defi­ance of mul­ti-racial democ­ra­cy and a gov­ern­ment that serves the needs of all its cit­i­zens; a men­ac­ing pro­mo­tion of white suprema­cist mythol­o­gy, main­tained with pub­lic funds on pub­lic lands. Those sym­bols include:

  • 780 mon­u­ments, more than 300 of which are in Geor­gia, Vir­ginia or North Car­oli­na;
  • 103 pub­lic K‑12 schools and three col­leges named for Robert E. Lee, Jef­fer­son Davis or oth­er Con­fed­er­ate icons;
  • 80 coun­ties and cities named for Con­fed­er­ates;
  • 9 observed state hol­i­days in five states; and
  • 10 U.S. mil­i­tary bases. 

But, no, one might say, these are obser­vances for the south­ern dead, who were, after all, Amer­i­cans too. This is what we’ve heard, over and over. It was a hoary old sto­ry when W.E.B. Du Bois heard it in the ear­ly decades of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry. “Lost Cause” ide­ol­o­gy had done its work, flood­ing the cul­ture with sym­pa­thet­ic por­tray­als of the Con­fed­er­a­cy, a wave of pro­pa­gan­da that reached its apex in the spec­ta­cle of 1915’s Birth of a Nation (first titled The Clans­man), respon­si­ble for res­ur­rect­ing the Ku Klux Klan.

The sto­ry went some­thing like this: “No nobler young men ever lived; no braver sol­diers ever answered the bugle call nor marched under a bat­tle flag,” pro­claimed south­ern indus­tri­al­ist Julian Carr at the 1913 ded­i­ca­tion of Con­fed­er­ate stat­ue Silent Sam, which stood on the cam­pus of the Uni­ver­si­ty of North Car­oli­na in Chapel Hill until activists tore it down recent­ly. “They fought, not for con­quest, not for coer­cion, but from a high and holy sense of duty. They were like the Knights of the Holy Grail.”

Carr goes on like this at length, recit­ing poet­ry and mak­ing con­stant ref­er­ences to Greek heroes and gods. His pur­pose, he says, is to memo­ri­al­ize “the Sacred Cause.” But he nev­er says what that cause is, though he has many exalt­ed words for “the noble women of my dear South­land, who are to-day as thor­ough­ly con­vinced of the jus­tice of that cause.” The speech is boil­er­plate Con­fed­er­ate apol­o­gism: an almost hys­ter­i­cal­ly bom­bas­tic defense of the south that nev­er once men­tions slav­ery.

Yet in an odd moment, Carr breaks off—during a rant about “what the Con­fed­er­ate sol­dier meant to the wel­fare of the Anglo Sax­on race”—to make a “rather per­son­al… allu­sion” for seem­ing­ly no rea­son:

One hun­dred yards from where we stand, less than nine­ty days per­haps after my return from Appo­mat­tox, I horse-whipped a negro wench until her skirts hung in shreds, because upon the streets of this qui­et vil­lage she had pub­licly insult­ed and maligned a South­ern lady, and then rushed for pro­tec­tion to these Uni­ver­si­ty build­ings where was sta­tioned a gar­ri­son of 100 Fed­er­al sol­diers. I per­formed the pleas­ing duty in the imme­di­ate pres­ence of the entire gar­ri­son, and for thir­ty nights after­wards slept with a dou­ble-bar­rel shot gun under my head.

What does it say about his audi­ence that Carr thinks this admis­sion reflects well on him? Du Bois under­stood it. He had diag­nosed the fear and vio­lent hatred men like Carr embod­ied and seen their cow­ardice and des­per­ate over­com­pen­sa­tion. “They preach and strut and shout and threat­en,” he wrote in The Souls of White Folk, “crouch­ing as they clutch at rags of facts and fan­cies to hide their naked­ness, they go twist­ing, fly­ing by my tired eyes and I see them ever stripped—ugly, human.”

Du Bois knew what Con­fed­er­ate mon­u­ments were meant to rep­re­sent. In 1931, he cut to the heart of the mat­ter in brief remarks pub­lished in The Cri­sis (top). “Du Bois push­es right back against the myth of the Lost Cause,” writes his­to­ri­an Kevin M. Levin. “He refus­es to draw a dis­tinc­tion between the Con­fed­er­ate gov­ern­ment and men in the ranks,” as rep­re­sent­ed by stat­ues like Silent Sam. “Du Bois clear­ly under­stood that as long as white south­ern­ers were able to mythol­o­gize the war through their mon­u­ments, African Amer­i­cans would remain sec­ond class cit­i­zens.”

He did not refer to mon­u­ments put up in Con­fed­er­ate ceme­ter­ies, as many had been imme­di­ate­ly after the war, but to the hun­dreds of stat­ues and oth­er memo­ri­als erect­ed in promi­nent places of gov­ern­ment begin­ning around 1900. “All of these mon­u­ments were there to teach val­ues to peo­ple,” says Mark Elliott, pro­fes­sor of his­to­ry at Uni­ver­si­ty of North Car­oli­na, Greens­boro. “That’s why they put them in the city squares. That’s why they put them in front of state build­ings.” It’s why there are Con­fed­er­ate stat­ues in the U.S. Cap­i­tal, gifts to the nation from south­ern states, glad­ly accept­ed.

Three years ear­li­er, Du Bois had writ­ten many choice words about attempts to deify Con­fed­er­ate lead­ers like Robert E. Lee (who him­self opposed mon­u­ments). He also coun­tered the argu­ment that the war was about “States Rights” in one inci­sive sen­tence: “If nation­al­ism had been a stronger defense of the slave sys­tem than par­tic­u­lar­ism, the South would have been as nation­al­ist in 1861 as it had been in 1812.” None of the high-flown rhetoric about “the cause” of gov­ern­ing prin­ci­ples had any­thing to do with it, Du Bois argues. “Peo­ple do not go to war for abstract the­o­ries of gov­ern­ment. They fight for prop­er­ty and priv­i­lege.”

One stat­ue in North Car­oli­na, Du Bois notes wry­ly in his Cri­sis remarks, goes so far as to claim that Con­fed­er­ate sol­diers “Died Fight­ing for Lib­er­ty!” This would not strike Lost Cause defend­ers like Carr as iron­ic. They too fought for lib­er­ty, of a kind—the free­dom to pun­ish, kill, imprison, exploit, dis­en­fran­chise, and oth­er­wise ter­ror­ize and impov­er­ish Black Amer­i­cans at will.

via Nathan Robin­son

Relat­ed Con­tent:

W.E.B. Du Bois Cre­ates Rev­o­lu­tion­ary, Artis­tic Data Visu­al­iza­tions Show­ing the Eco­nom­ic Plight of African-Amer­i­cans (1900)

Pho­tos of 19th-Cen­tu­ry Black Women Activists Dig­i­tized and Put Online by The Library of Con­gress

The Civ­il War & Recon­struc­tion: A Free Course from Yale Uni­ver­si­ty

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

Raymond Chandler’s 36 Great Unused Titles: From “The Man With the Shredded Ear,” to “Quick, Hide the Body”

For Chan­dler’s birth­day today. He was born on this day in 1888.

via Chris Pow­er

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Ray­mond Chandler’s Ten Com­mand­ments for Writ­ing a Detec­tive Nov­el

Hear Ray­mond Chan­dler & Ian Fleming–Two Mas­ters of Suspense–Talk with One Anoth­er in Rare 1958 Audio

Watch Ray­mond Chandler’s Long-Unno­ticed Cameo in Dou­ble Indem­ni­ty

 

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How Ornette Coleman Freed Jazz with His Theory of Harmolodics

The term free jazz may have exist­ed before Ornette Cole­man’s The Shape of Jazz to Come arrived in 1959. Yet, how­ev­er inno­v­a­tive the modal exper­i­ments of Coltrane or Davis, jazz still adhered to its most fun­da­men­tal for­mu­las before Cole­man. “Con­ven­tion­al jazz har­mo­ny is reli­gious­ly chord-based,” writes Josephine Liv­ing­stone at New Repub­lic, “with soloists impro­vis­ing with­in each key like balls ping­ing through a pin­ball machine. Cole­man, in con­trast, imag­ined har­mo­ny, melody, and rhythm as equal con­stituents.”

This phi­los­o­phy, jazz crit­ic Mar­tin Williams wrote upon hear­ing Coleman’s debut, was nec­es­sary to free jazz from its for­mal con­straints. “Some­one had to break through the walls that those har­monies have built and restore melody.” Melody was every­thing to Coleman—even drum­mers can play like melod­ic instru­men­tal­ists. In a 1987 inter­view, he described how Ed Black­well “plays the drums as if he’s play­ing a wind instru­ment. Actu­al­ly, he sounds more like a talk­ing drum. He’s speak­ing a cer­tain lan­guage that I find is very valid in rhythm instru­ments.”

Cole­man con­nect­ed his musi­cal the­o­ry back to the ori­gins of rhyth­mic music: “the drums, in the begin­ning, used to be like the telephone—to car­ry the mes­sage.” Inter­view­er Michael Jar­rett ven­tures that Coleman’s ensem­ble record­ings are more like a “par­ty line,” to which the sax­o­phon­ist agrees. Music, he believed, was a rad­i­cal­ly democratic—“beyond democratic”—form of com­mu­ni­ca­tion. “If you decid­ed to go out today and get you an instru­ment,” he says, “and do what­ev­er it is that you do, no one can tell you how you’re going to do it but when you do it.”

This approach seemed irre­spon­si­ble to many of Coleman’s peers. Alto sax­o­phon­ist Jack­ie McLean described the gen­er­al reac­tion as “spend[ing] your whole life mak­ing a three-piece suit that’s incred­i­ble, and this guy comes along with a jump­suit, and peo­ple find that it’s eas­i­er to step into a jump­suit than to put on three pieces.” Col­lec­tive impro­vi­sa­tion, how­ev­er, can­not in any way be described as “easy,” and Cole­man was a bril­liant play­er who could do it all.

“I could play and sound like Char­lie Park­er note-for-note,” he has said, “but I was only play­ing it from method. So I tried to fig­ure out where to go from there,” Loos­en­ing the con­stric­tions did not mean that Cole­man lacked “req­ui­site vir­tu­os­i­ty,” as Maria Golia writes in a new Cole­man biog­ra­phy. Instead, he “pro­posed an alter­na­tive means for its expres­sion.” (In Thomas Pynchon’s V, a char­ac­ter says of a Cole­man-like sax­o­phon­ist, “he plays all the notes Bird missed.”) This emerged in exper­i­men­tal impro­vi­sa­tions like 1961’s land­mark Free Jazz, an album that “prac­ti­cal­ly defies superla­tives in its his­tor­i­cal impor­tance,” Steve Huey writes at All­mu­sic.

The album fea­tures play­ers like Black­well, Don Cher­ry, and Eric Dol­phy in a “dou­ble-quar­tet for­mat,” with two rhythm sec­tions play­ing simul­ta­ne­ous­ly, one on the right stereo chan­nel, one on the left. Com­posed on the spot, “there was no road map for this kind of record­ing.” But there was a the­o­ry that held it all togeth­er. Cole­man even­tu­al­ly called the the­o­ry “Har­molod­ics,” a word that sums up his ideas about the equal­i­ty of rhythm, har­mo­ny, and melody—a com­po­si­tion­al method that freed jazz from its depen­dence on Euro­pean forms and returned it, in a way, to its roots in a call-and-response tra­di­tion.

Cole­man described his long-sim­mer­ing ideas in a 1983 man­i­festo titled “Prime Time for Har­molod­ics.” The title ref­er­ences the band, Prime Time, he formed in 1975 that fea­tured two bassists, two gui­tarists, and—like his ensem­ble on Free Jazz, or like the Grate­ful Dead—two drum­mers. Jer­ry Gar­cia joined the band for its 1988 album Vir­gin Beau­ty, expand­ing Coleman’s fanbase—already sig­nif­i­cant in var­i­ous rock circles—to Dead­heads. (See Prime Time in Ger­many in 1981 below.) Har­molod­ic play­ing could be dis­so­nant, aton­al, and cacoph­o­nous, and it could be sub­lime, often in the same moment.

Simul­tane­ity, rad­i­cal democ­ra­cy, inti­mate communication—these were the prin­ci­ples of “uni­son” that Cole­man found essen­tial to his impro­vi­sa­tions.

Ques­tion: “Where can/will I find a play­er who can read (or not read) who can play their instru­ment to their own sat­is­fac­tion and accept the chal­lenge of the music envi­ron­ment?” For Har­molod­ic Democ­ra­cy — the play­er would need the free­dom to express what Har­molod­ic infor­ma­tion they found to work in com­posed music. There is always a rhythm — melody — har­mo­ny con­cept. All ideas have lead res­o­lu­tions. Each play­er can choose any of the con­nec­tions from the com­posers work for their per­son­al expres­sion, etc. Prime Time is not a jazz, clas­si­cal, rock or blues ensem­ble. It is pure Har­molod­ic where all forms that can, or could exist yes­ter­day, today, or tomor­row can exist in the now or moment with­out a sec­ond.

In har­molod­ic impro­vi­sa­tion musi­cians con­tribute equal­ly on their own terms, Cole­man believed. “From Ornet­te’s point of view,” writes Robert Palmer in lin­er notes to the Com­plete Atlantic Record­ings, “each con­tri­bu­tion is equal­ly essen­tial to the whole. One tends to hear the horn play­er as a soloist, backed by a rhythm sec­tion, but this is not Cole­man’s per­spec­tive. ‘In the music we play,’ he said of the per­for­mances col­lect­ed in this box, ‘no one play­er has the lead. Any­one can come out with it at any time.’ ” Jer­ry Gar­cia remem­bers feel­ing con­fused when first record­ing with the sax­o­phon­ist. “Final­ly,” says Gar­cia, “he said, ‘Oh, just go ahead and play, man.’ And I thought, ‘Oh, I get it now.’”

But of course, Gar­cia was the kind of musi­cian who could “just go ahead and play.” This was the essen­tial ele­ment, and it was here, per­haps, that Cole­man dif­fered least from his fel­low jazz artists—in his sense of hav­ing just the right ensem­ble. “You real­ly have to have play­ers with you who will allow your instincts to flour­ish in such a way that they will make the same order as if you had sat down and writ­ten a piece of music,” he writes. “To me, that is the most glo­ri­fied goal of the impro­vis­ing qual­i­ty of play­ing – to be able to do that.”

In “har­molod­ic democ­ra­cy” no one ever takes the lead, or not for long, and there are no “side­men.” Rather than fol­low­ing a chord chart or band­leader, the musi­cians must all lis­ten close­ly to each oth­er. Con­ven­tion­al riffs and pro­gres­sions pop up, only to veer wild­ly in unex­pect­ed direc­tions. “Its clear that [har­molod­ics] is based on tak­ing motifs,” says avant-garde gui­tarist Marc Ribot, “and free­ing it up to become poly­ton­al, melod­i­cal­ly and rhyth­mi­cal­ly.” Rather than aban­don­ing form, Cole­man invent­ed new ways to com­pose and new ways, he wrote, to play.

I was out at Mar­garet Mead­’s school and was teach­ing some kids how to play instant­ly. I asked the ques­tion, ‘How many kids would like to play music and have fun?’ And all the lit­tle kids raised up their hands. And I asked,‘Well, how do you do that?’ And one lit­tle girl said, ‘You just apply your feel­ings to sound.’ She was right — if you apply your feel­ings to sound, regard­less of what instru­ment you have, you’ll prob­a­bly make good music.

Cole­man formed a label called Har­molod­ic in 1995 with his son and drum­mer Denar­do. In 2005, he record­ed the live album Sound Gram­mar in Ger­many, which would go on to win a Pulitzer Prize two years lat­er. The record became the first release on his new label, also called Sound Gram­mar, and rep­re­sent­ed a refine­ment of the har­molod­ic the­o­ry, now called “sound gram­mar,” in which Cole­man re-empha­sizes the impor­tance of music as the ur-form of human com­mu­ni­ca­tion. “Music,” he says, “is a lan­guage of sounds that trans­forms all human lan­guages.”

Relat­ed Con­tent:

How Ornette Cole­man Shaped the Jazz World: An Intro­duc­tion to His Irrev­er­ent Sound

Philoso­pher Jacques Der­ri­da Inter­views Jazz Leg­end Ornette Cole­man: Talk Impro­vi­sa­tion, Lan­guage & Racism (1997)

When Jazz Leg­end Ornette Cole­man Joined the Grate­ful Dead Onstage for Some Epic Impro­vi­sa­tion­al Jams: Hear a 1993 Record­ing

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness.

Devo De-Evolves the Rolling Stones’ “(I Can’t Get No) Satisfaction”: See Their Groundbreaking Music Video and Saturday Night Live Performance (1978)

In 1978, the debut album by a force­ful­ly idio­syn­crat­ic new wave band out of Akron, Ohio both asked and answered a ques­tion: Q: Are We Not Men? A: We Are Devo! When we look back on the still-active group’s career more than 40 years lat­er, we may still ask our­selves who, or what, Devo are. Giv­en that they’re a rock band — albeit only just rec­og­niz­able as one at the time they hit it big — we could define them by their songs. Were Devo made Devo by their their first sin­gle, “Mon­goloid”? Or was it “Whip It,” their biggest hit and the Devo song we all know today?

There’s also a case to be made that few of us would ever have heard of Devo if they had­n’t record­ed their cov­er of anoth­er band’s defin­ing song: the Rolling Stones’ “(I Can’t Get No) Sat­is­fac­tion.” Devo’s “wicked decon­struc­tion,” writes All­mu­sic crit­ic Steve Huey, “reworks the orig­i­nal’s alien­ation into a spas­tic freak-out that’s near­ly unrec­og­niz­able.” At The New York­er, Ron Pad­gett tells the sto­ry of the record­ing and release of Devo’s “Sat­is­fac­tion,” a process that began with a rhythm track co-founder Ger­ald Casale calls “some kind of mutat­ed devolved reg­gae.” Aes­thet­i­cal­ly, this tied neat­ly in with the band’s cen­tral con­cept: “that instead of evolv­ing, soci­ety was in fact regress­ing (‘de-evolv­ing’) as humans embraced their baser instincts.”

It was Casale, by day a cat­a­log design­er for a jan­i­to­r­i­al sup­ply com­pa­ny, who dis­cov­ered the bag­gy yel­low waste-dis­pos­al suits Devo would wear in the “Sat­is­fac­tion” music video — a dar­ing enough medi­um to begin with, giv­en the pauci­ty of venues for such pro­duc­tions in the late 70s. But “when MTV launched, in 1981,” writes Pad­gett, “very few bands had videos ready for the net­work to play. As a result, Devo’s ‘Sat­is­fac­tion’ video earned end­less rota­tions.” But the big break came “when they per­formed the song on Sat­ur­day Night Live, wear­ing the suits and pitch-black sun­glass­es, and doing the same jerky robo-motions, as in the video.”

You can see their SNL per­for­mance, intro­duced by the late Fred Willard, in the clip above.  Nego­ti­at­ed by the band’s man­ag­er Elliot Roberts in exchange for bring­ing Neil Young on a lat­er broad­cast, the appear­ance exposed Devo to an audi­ence that includ­ed no few view­ers hun­gry for just the kind of sub­ver­sive­ness the band’s music exud­ed. All this only hap­pened because Mick Jag­ger him­self had giv­en Devo’s spas­tic freak­out his bless­ing — and, as record­ed in the book Devo: Unmasked, some­how man­aged to dance to it as he did so. Lat­er, as Casale remem­bers it, Roberts claimed to have sug­gest­ed in advance to Jag­ger’s peo­ple that he “just says he likes it, because it’s going to make him a lot of mon­ey.” Or could that liv­ing embod­i­ment of rock star­dom be a clos­et sub­scriber to the the­o­ry of de-evo­lu­tion?

Relat­ed Con­tent:

The Phi­los­o­phy & Music of Devo, the Avant-Garde Art Project Ded­i­cat­ed to Reveal­ing the Truth About De-Evo­lu­tion

The Mas­ter­mind of Devo, Mark Moth­ers­baugh, Presents His Per­son­al Syn­the­siz­er Col­lec­tion

DEVO Is Now Sell­ing COVID-19 Per­son­al Pro­tec­tive Equip­ment: Ener­gy Dome Face Shields

Watch Phish Play All of The Rolling Stones’ Clas­sic Album, Exile on Main Street, Live in Con­cert

The Rolling Stones’ “Gimme Shel­ter” Played by Musi­cians Around the World

A Big 44-Hour Chrono­log­i­cal Playlist of Rolling Stones Albums: Stream 613 Tracks

Based in Seoul, Col­in Mar­shall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. His projects include the book The State­less City: a Walk through 21st-Cen­tu­ry Los Ange­les and the video series The City in Cin­e­ma. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall, on Face­book, or on Insta­gram.

The Rolling Stones Release a Long Lost Track Featuring Led Zeppelin’s Jimmy Page

The Rolling Stones are ready­ing a re-release of their 1973 album Goats Head Soup in Sep­tem­ber, fea­tur­ing demos and rar­i­ties and all sorts of good­ies. Yes­ter­day, they dropped the above song: “Scar­let.” Nev­er boot­legged before, this fire­crack­er of a track fea­tures Led Zeppelin’s Jim­my Page on gui­tar.

The record­ing hap­pened in Octo­ber 1974, long, long after the record­ing of the Goats Head Soup tracks in Jamaica at Dynam­ic Sound Stu­dios. In fact, they’d also fin­ished record­ing It’s Only Rock and Roll, Goats Head Soup’s fol­low-up. Mick Tay­lor was about to leave the band. But in this case, Led Zep and the Stones were two groups pass­ing in the night, or in this case the cor­ri­dors of London’s Island Stu­dios.

Jim­my Page was there record­ing solo with Richards, along with a group that includ­ed Ian Stew­art (a long­time unof­fi­cial mem­ber of the Stones) on piano, Traffic’s Ric Grech on bass, and Bruce Row­land on drums.

“My rec­ol­lec­tion is we walked in at the end of a Zep­pelin ses­sion,” says Richards. “They were just leav­ing, and we were booked in next and I believe that Jim­my decid­ed to stay. We weren’t actu­al­ly cut­ting it as a track, it was basi­cal­ly for a demo, a demon­stra­tion, you know, just to get the feel of it, but it came out well, with a line­up like that, you know, we bet­ter use it.”

The ini­tial sketch of the song came out of an ear­li­er jam ses­sion, accord­ing to Jag­ger:

“I remem­ber first jam­ming this with Jim­my and Kei­th in Ron­nie (Wood)’s base­ment stu­dio,” he said. “It was a great ses­sion.” The chop­py riff is very much Kei­th Richards all over. Jagger’s lyrics are rough too, and you can hear a shared melody with “Ang­ie,” their hit from that year.

Named after Page’s young daugh­ter, “Scar­let” coul­da woul­da shoul­da been a sin­gle or even an album track, but was shelved for what­ev­er rea­son.

In the Stones’ minds, Goats Head Soup was one of their best. But when it came out in August the music press con­sid­ered it as a pale fol­low-up to the sprawl­ing Exile on Main Street. The band were rid­ing high, but their fame sort of turned on this album, as the band start­ed to ref­er­ence them­selves and plunge into true 1970s rock star excess. Lester Bangs hat­ed the album, writ­ing in Creem, “just because the Stones have abdi­cat­ed their respon­si­bil­i­ties is no rea­son we have to sit still for this shit! Because there is just lit­er­al­ly noth­ing new hap­pen­ing.”

Allen Crow­ley, also in Creem, not­ed the gen­er­a­tional shift hap­pen­ing: “The Stones are still con­sum­mate enter­tain­ers, but some­where along the line we began to expect some­thing more than enter­tain­ment from them. In Beg­gars Ban­quet and Let It Bleed, the Stones began to tell us what was going on… And that’s what miss­ing in this very durable record. And beneath that knowl­edge is the won­der­ment at how that durable exper­tise car­ries on in the face of dis­in­te­gra­tion.”

Rolling Stone’s Bud Cop­pa was more enthu­si­as­tic, know­ing that a lot of Stones’ albums are sleep­ers: “Soup stands right next to Mott, the the­mat­i­cal­ly sim­i­lar LP of the Stones’ bright­est stu­dents, as the best album of 1973. For me, its deep­en­ing and unfold­ing over the com­ing months will no doubt rate as one of the year’s rich­est musi­cal expe­ri­ences.”

Over the years, the crit­i­cal recep­tion has come around on Goats Head Soup. Not a clas­sic, but not a disaster—it was a con­scious break with the muf­fled sounds of Exile, yet still filled with lyrics about crime, despair, and alien­ation. It’s not the hap­pi­est of albums.

And by the way, this would not be the last time Jim­my Page played with the Stones. He played the solo on their 1986 sin­gle “One Hit (to the Body).”

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Watch the Rolling Stones Play “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” While Social Dis­tanc­ing in Quar­an­tine

The Rolling Stones Release a Time­ly Track, “Liv­ing in a Ghost Town”: Their First New Music in Eight Years

A Big 44-Hour Chrono­log­i­cal Playlist of Rolling Stones Albums: Stream 613 Tracks

Ted Mills is a free­lance writer on the arts who cur­rent­ly hosts the Notes from the Shed pod­cast and is the pro­duc­er of KCR­W’s Curi­ous Coast. You can also fol­low him on Twit­ter at @tedmills, and/or watch his films here.

Pretty Much Pop: A Culture Podcast #53 Explores the Hamilton Phenomenon

Your hosts Eri­ca Spyres, Mark Lin­sen­may­er, and Bri­an Hirt are joined by Broad­way actor Sam Simahk (Carousel, The King and I, My Fair Lady) to dis­cuss this unique con­ver­gence of musi­cal the­ater, rap, and his­tor­i­cal dra­ma. Does Hamil­ton deserve its acco­lades? We cov­er the re-emer­gence of stage music as pop music, live vs. filmed vs. film-adapt­ed musi­cals, cre­ators star­ring in their shows, race-inclu­sive cast­ing, and the pol­i­tics sur­round­ing the show.

Some arti­cles we looked at includ­ed:

Learn more at prettymuchpop.com. This episode includes bonus dis­cus­sion includ­ing Sam that you can only hear by sup­port­ing the pod­cast at patreon.com/prettymuchpop. This pod­cast is part of the Par­tial­ly Exam­ined Life pod­cast net­work.

Pret­ty Much Pop: A Cul­ture Pod­cast is the first pod­cast curat­ed by Open Cul­ture. Browse all Pret­ty Much Pop posts.

H.R. Giger’s Dark, Surrealist Album Covers: Debbie Harry, Emerson, Lake & Palmer, Celtic Frost, Danzig & More

The work of H.R. Giger is immense­ly pow­er­ful. Giger’s amaz­ing cov­er for Emer­son, Lake and Palmer’s album Brain Sal­ad Surgery por­trays a Goth­ic touch that could fit any heavy met­al band at any time.

—Jim­my Page

Swiss artist Hans Rue­di Giger is a genre unto his own, sin­gle-hand­ed­ly invent­ing the bio­me­chan­i­cal hor­ror of the 1980s with his designs for Rid­ley Scott’s 1979 Alien, the film that launched him into inter­na­tion­al promi­nence and turned Deb­bie Har­ry on to his work. Meet­ing him the fol­low­ing year, the Blondie singer asked Giger to design the cov­er and music videos for her solo album, KooKoo.

The album was panned, but the cov­er end­ed up being as pre­scient as the film that pre­ced­ed it. It would “see its influ­ence in films like Hell­rais­er, the rise of what was called the ‘mod­ern prim­i­tive’ move­ment, and help cul­ti­vate the dark masochis­tic char­ac­ter Har­ry would play in David Cronenberg’s Video­drome,” writes Ted Mills in an ear­li­er Open Cul­ture post. “It was a feel­ing that would flour­ish in the deca­dent ‘80s.”

The record was also, in a way, “a throw­back to Giger’s oth­er famous record cov­er, the one for Emer­son, Lake, and Palmer’s Brain Sal­ad Surgery” from 1973 (above). Ten years before Alien, Giger designed his first album cov­er, for a “pro­to-met­al” band called The Shiv­ers.

Their 1969 Walpur­gis, fea­tures what look very much like Alien’s face­hug­gers. Giger had been hav­ing this night­mare for a long time. Years after these begin­nings, due in large part to Alien and its sequels and the Deb­bie Har­ry cov­er, Giger became high­ly sought after by met­al bands, from Celtic Frost to Danzig to Car­cass.

His work appears, how­ev­er, on far more album cov­ers than he would like. There have been “many small bands over the years,” he writes on his site, “pre­sum­ably fans of mine, who had appro­pri­at­ed my art­work for their album and CD cov­ers,” with­out get­ting per­mis­sion. Giger him­self has only cre­at­ed a few pieces specif­i­cal­ly as album cov­er art, the last in 1989 for Steve Stevens’ Atom­ic Play­boys. “Of the approx­i­mate­ly 20 records on which my art­work has been seen over the last 30 years,” he writes, only a small num­ber have been com­mis­sions. These include The Shiv­ers, ELP, Har­ry, and Stevens.

All the oth­er covers—those offi­cial­ly sanc­tioned, in any case—come from work Giger “made for myself, many years before, which the bands, lat­er, licensed for their own use after see­ing them in my books.” Though Giger him­self is more of a jazz fan, his appeal to heavy met­al is obvi­ous. “Giger’s style of adding a sur­re­al­ist twist to mechan­i­cal and bio­log­i­cal scenes,” writes All­mu­sic, “often with twist­ed sex­u­al undertones—was imme­di­ate­ly iden­ti­fi­able,” and imme­di­ate­ly iden­ti­fied a band as some­thing seduc­tive­ly taboo and pos­si­bly dead­ly.

At least one use of his work got a band pros­e­cut­ed. “Bay Area punks the Dead Kennedys includ­ed a poster of Giger’s Land­scape #XX, also known as Penis Land­scape (the image depict­ed rows of erect phal­lus­es in coitus), in the pack­ag­ing of their 1985 album Frankenchrist,” writes Rolling Stone, “and were sub­se­quent­ly put on tri­al for obscen­i­ty.”

Those who would mis­use his work and vio­late his copy­right may also find them­selves in court. “It will,” he warns, “cost a lot more than if they had first con­tact­ed me, through my agent, to ask for per­mis­sion.”

Relat­ed Con­tent:

When Deb­bie Har­ry Com­bined Artis­tic Forces with H.R. Giger

The Giger Bar: Dis­cov­er the 1980s Tokyo Bar Designed by H. R. Giger, the Same Artist Who Cre­at­ed the Night­mar­ish Mon­ster in Rid­ley Scott’s Alien

H.R. Giger’s Tarot Cards: The Swiss Artist, Famous for His Design Work on Alien, Takes a Jour­ney into the Occult

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

The Moment When Bob Dylan Went Electric: Watch Him Play “Maggie’s Farm” at the Newport Folk Festival in 1965

The phrase “when Dylan went elec­tric” once car­ried as much weight in pop cul­ture his­to­ry as “the fall of the Berlin Wall” car­ries in, well, his­to­ry. Both events have reced­ed into what feels like the dis­tant past, but in the ear­ly 1960s, they like­ly seemed equal­ly unlike­ly to many a seri­ous Bob Dylan fan in the folk scene. They also seemed equal­ly con­se­quen­tial. To under­stand the cul­ture of the decade, we must under­stand the import of Dylan’s appear­ance at the New­port Folk Fes­ti­val in 1965, backed by Mike Bloom­field and oth­er mem­bers of the Paul But­ter­field Blues Band.

The death of rock and roll in the 50s is often told through the lens of tragedy, but there was also anger, dis­gust, and mass dis­af­fec­tion. The Pay­ola scan­dal had an impact, as did Elvis join­ing the army and Lit­tle Richard’s return to reli­gion. Rock and roll was bro­ken, tamed, and turned into com­mer­cial fod­der. Sim­ply put, it wasn’t cool at all, man, and even the Bea­t­les couldn’t save it sin­gle­hand­ed­ly. Their arrival on U.S. shores is mythol­o­gized as music his­to­ry Normandy—and has been cred­it­ed with inspir­ing count­less num­bers of musicians—but with­out Dylan and the blues artists he imi­tat­ed, things would very much have gone oth­er­wise.

In the ear­ly 60s, Dylan and the Bea­t­les’ “respec­tive musi­cal con­stituen­cies were indeed per­ceived as inhab­it­ing two sep­a­rate sub­cul­tur­al worlds,” writes Jonathan Gould in Can’t Buy Me Love: The Bea­t­les, Britain, and Amer­i­ca. “Dylan’s core audi­ence was com­prised of young peo­ple emerg­ing from adolescence—college kids with artis­tic or intel­lec­tu­al lean­ings, a dawn­ing polit­i­cal and social ide­al­ism, and a mild­ly bohemi­an style…. The Bea­t­les’ core audi­ence, by con­trast, was com­prised of ver­i­ta­ble ‘teenyboppers’—kids in high school or grade school whose lives were total­ly wrapped up in the com­mer­cial­ized pop­u­lar cul­ture of tele­vi­sion, radio, pop records, fan mag­a­zines, and teen fash­ion. They were seen as idol­aters, not ide­al­ists.”

To evoke any­thing resem­bling the com­mer­cial pablum of Beat­le­ma­nia, and at New­port, no less, spoke of trea­son to folk authen­tic­i­ty. Some called out “Where’s Ringo?” Oth­ers called him “Judas.” Dylan’s set “would go down as one of the most divi­sive con­certs ever”—(and that’s say­ing a lot)—“putting the worlds of both folk and rock in tem­po­rary iden­ti­ty cri­sis,” Michael Mad­den writes at Con­se­quence of Sound. The for­mer folk hero accom­plished this in all of three songs, “Maggie’s Farm,” “Like a Rolling Stone,” and “Phan­tom Engi­neer,” an ear­ly take on “It Takes a Lot to Laugh, It Takes a Train to Cry.” Pete Seeger famous­ly “threw a furi­ous tantrum” upon hear­ing the first few bars of “Maggie’s Farm,” above, though he’s since said he was upset at the sound qual­i­ty.

The moment was defining—and Dylan appar­ent­ly decid­ed to do it on a whim after hear­ing Alan Lomax insult the Paul But­ter­field Band, who were giv­ing a work­shop at the fes­ti­val. He came back onstage after­ward to play two acoustic songs for the appre­cia­tive audi­ence who remained, unfazed by the vehe­mence of half the crowd’s reac­tion to his ear­li­er set. Yet the rev­o­lu­tion to return rock to its folk and blues roots was already under­way. With­in six months of meet­ing Dylan in 1964, Gould writes, “John Lennon would be mak­ing records on which he open­ly imi­tat­ed Dylan’s nasal drone, brit­tle strum, and intro­spec­tive vocal per­sona.” (Dylan also intro­duced him to cannabis.)

In 1965, “the dis­tinc­tions between the folk and rock audi­ences would have near­ly evap­o­rat­ed.” The two met in the mid­dle. “The Bea­t­les’ audi­ence, in keep­ing with the way of the world, would be show­ing signs of grow­ing up,” while Dylan’s fans showed signs of “grow­ing down, as hun­dreds of thou­sands of folkies in their late teens and ear­ly twen­ties” redis­cov­ered “the ethos of their ado­les­cent years.” They also dis­cov­ered elec­tric blues. New­port shows Dylan accel­er­at­ing the tran­si­tion, and also sig­ni­fied the arrival of the great elec­tric blues-rock gui­tarists, in the form of the inim­itable Mike Bloom­field, an invad­ing force all his own, who inspired a gen­er­a­tion with his licks on “Like a Rolling Stone” and on the absolute clas­sic Paul But­ter­field Blues Band debut album, released in The Year Dylan Went Elec­tric.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Tan­gled Up in Blue: Deci­pher­ing a Bob Dylan Mas­ter­piece

A Mas­sive 55-Hour Chrono­log­i­cal Playlist of Bob Dylan Songs: Stream 763 Tracks

Clas­sic Songs by Bob Dylan Re-Imag­ined as Pulp Fic­tion Book Cov­ers: “Like a Rolling Stone,” “A Hard Rain’s A‑Gonna Fall” & More

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

Lin-Manuel Miranda Breaks Down How He Wrote Hamilton’s Big Hit, “My Shot”

The cur­rent moment has forced the orig­i­nal cast and crew of Lin-Manuel Miranda’s mas­sive hit musi­cal Hamil­ton to revis­it and reeval­u­ate the sto­ry it tells about America’s found­ing. As Miran­da him­self told The Root’s Ton­ja Renée Stid­hum, “All of these guys are com­plic­it in the bru­tal prac­tice of slav­ery, slav­ery is the third line of our show… that is just a pre­req­ui­site for the sto­ry we’re telling.” But he didn’t first set out to write his­to­ry. “Orig­i­nal­ly, this was a con­cept album. I want­ed to write a hip hop album, so I was nev­er pic­tur­ing the guys on the stat­ues that are being torn down right now. I was pic­tur­ing, ‘What are the voic­es that are best suit­ed to tell the sto­ry.’”

Debut­ing in more opti­mistic times, when the coun­try had its first Black pres­i­dent, Hamil­ton declared, says Leslie Odom, Jr. (who played Aaron Burr) that “if this his­to­ry belongs to all of us… then we’re going to take it and we’re going to say it and use our own words to tell it!” Con­tro­ver­sy and cri­tique aside, there’s no deny­ing Miranda’s tremen­dous gifts as a drama­tist and song­writer, on dis­play not only in Hamil­ton but in the Moana sound­track.

How does he do it? Rid­ing the wave of renewed Hamil­ton fan­dom after the Dis­ney release of the orig­i­nal cast film, Miran­da recent­ly sat down with Rot­ten Toma­toes to dis­cuss his process. When he gets to Hamil­ton, he gives us a detailed break­down of “My Shot,” which, he says, took him a year to write.

“It was not only writ­ing Hamil­ton’s ‘I want’ song,” says Miran­da, “although it cer­tain­ly is that. It was also prov­ing my the­sis that Hamilton’s intel­lect is what allows him to pro­pel through the nar­ra­tive of the sto­ry.” The play’s pro­tag­o­nist proves his intel­lec­tu­al wor­thi­ness by mas­ter­ing and mak­ing his own the styles of Miranda’s favorite rap­pers, from Big Pun to Jay Z to Big­gie to Mobb Deep. “I’m grab­bing from the influ­ences and pay­ing homage to those influ­ences. …I’m lit­er­al­ly call­ing on the ances­tors of this flow. …The ‘Whoah’ sec­tion, I’ll just say, is based on the AOL start­up sound because I want­ed it to feel like …his words are con­nect­ing with the world.”

Whether or not any of Hamil­ton’s younger view­ers have ever heard the AOL start­up sound, the detail reveals how Miranda’s mind works. His cre­ations emerge from a matrix of ref­er­ences and allu­sions, each one cho­sen for its spe­cif­ic rela­tion to the sto­ry. Many of these call­backs go over the audience’s heads, but they still have their intend­ed effect, cre­at­ing ten­sion in “the dens­est cou­plets that I could write,” Miran­da says. The mes­sage in “My Shot,” with­in the con­text of the musi­cal itself, is that “Hamil­ton is the future with­in this group of friends.” But the mes­sage of Hamil­ton has noth­ing to do with the 18th cen­tu­ry and every­thing to do with the 21st. Per­haps its most sub­ver­sive idea is that the high­est lead­er­ship in the U.S. might just as well look like Hamil­ton as Hamil­ton. See Miran­da and the Hamil­ton cast per­form “My Shot” at the White House just below.

via Laugh­ing Squid

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Watch Lin-Manuel Miran­da Per­form the Ear­li­est Ver­sion of Hamil­ton at the White House, Six Years Before the Play Hit the Broad­way Stage (2009)

A Whiskey-Fueled Lin-Manuel Miran­da Reimag­ines Hamil­ton as a Girl on Drunk His­to­ry

The Mup­pets Sing the First Act of Hamil­ton

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness


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