The Clock That Changed the World: How John Harrison’s Portable Clock Revolutionized Sea Navigation in the 18th Century

In the ear­ly eigh­teenth cen­tu­ry, a pock­et watch could keep rea­son­ably accu­rate time, give or take a minute per day. This may not sound too bad, giv­en how we now regard even the most advanced tech­nol­o­gy of that era. But it cer­tain­ly was­n’t good enough for marine nav­i­ga­tion: each day, a ship could tol­er­ate its clocks gain­ing or los­ing only a cou­ple of sec­onds. With­out prop­er reli­able infor­ma­tion about the time, sailors on the open sea had no way of know­ing quite where they were. More specif­i­cal­ly, the sun told them how far north or south they were, their lat­i­tude, but they did­n’t know how far east or west they were, their lon­gi­tude.

The­o­ret­i­cal­ly speak­ing, the “lon­gi­tude prob­lem” was eas­i­ly solv­able. You could cal­cu­late it, writes Gear Patrol’s Ed Est­low, “by sight­ing the sun at high noon where you were, and if you had a good enough clock for the time back home, you could com­pare the two and, with some sim­ple math­e­mat­ics, deter­mine your posi­tion.” But engi­neer­ing such a good-enough clock in real­i­ty took about half a cen­tu­ry. “In 1714, the British gov­ern­ment offered the huge prize of £20,000 (rough­ly £2 mil­lion today) to any­one who could solve the lon­gi­tude prob­lem once and for all.” But the mon­ey was­n’t ful­ly claimed until 1773, by a York­shire clock­mak­er John Har­ri­son.

Har­rison’s name looms large in the annals of chronom­e­try, and not with­out rea­son. His work of invent­ing an accu­rate ship clock involved the cre­ation of five dif­fer­ent mod­els, known by his­to­ri­ans as H1 through H5. H1 was a portable ver­sion of the kind of siz­able wood­en clock with which he’d already made his name. It was only in with H4, in 1765, that he real­ized small is beau­ti­ful, or rather accu­rate, at least if equipped with over­sized inter­nal bal­ance wheels to hold up more reli­ably against the con­stant move­ment of a ship at sea. This design worked with­out a hitch, but even so, the Board of Lon­gi­tude only saw fit to award him half the mon­ey offered.

Nei­ther Har­rison’s solv­ing of the lon­gi­tude prob­lem nor his receipt of a dis­ap­point­ing­ly halved prize seem to have stopped his obses­sion with build­ing ever-bet­ter time­keep­ing devices. This comes as no sur­prise giv­en the qual­i­ties of mind that emerge in “The Clock That Changed the World,” the episode of BBC’s A His­to­ry of the World at the top of the post. While work­ing on H5, Har­ri­son “sought the sup­port of King George III” (he of the famous mad­ness). “The King, a nat­ur­al philoso­pher in his own right, test­ed H5 him­self and promised Har­ri­son his sup­port.” That sup­port final­ly got the elder­ly Har­ri­son his promised amount and then some, but one sens­es that — like any pur­suit wor­thy of one’s life­long ded­i­ca­tion — it was nev­er real­ly about the mon­ey.

Relat­ed con­tent:

New Archive Reveals How Sci­en­tists Final­ly Solved the Vex­ing “Lon­gi­tude Prob­lem” Dur­ing the 1700s

How Clocks Changed Human­i­ty For­ev­er, Mak­ing Us Mas­ters and Slaves of Time

The Plan­e­tar­i­um Table Clock: Mag­nif­i­cent 1775 Time­piece Tracks the Pass­ing of Time & the Trav­el of the Plan­ets

How Did Car­tog­ra­phers Cre­ate World Maps before Air­planes and Satel­lites? An Intro­duc­tion

Based in Seoul, Col­in Mar­shall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. His projects include the Sub­stack newslet­ter Books on Cities, the book The State­less City: a Walk through 21st-Cen­tu­ry Los Ange­les and the video series The City in Cin­e­ma. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall, on Face­book, or on Insta­gram.

Watch Opera Legend Marian Anderson’s Historic Performance on the Steps of the Lincoln Memorial (1939)

Near­ly every Civ­il Rights icon becomes more of a sym­bol than a com­plex human being over time, a con­se­quence of iconog­ra­phy in gen­er­al. This has cer­tain­ly been the case with opera singer Mar­i­an Ander­son. “If Amer­i­cans know one fact about the leg­endary African-Amer­i­can con­tral­to Mar­i­an Ander­son,” Kira Thur­man writes at The New York­er, “it’s that she sang in defi­ance on the steps of the Lin­coln Memo­r­i­al, in 1939.”

We prob­a­bly also know that Ander­son took to the steps of the mon­u­ment again in 1963 to sing “He’s Got the Whole World in His Hands” before Mar­tin Luther King, Jr.‘s “I Have a Dream Speech” at the March on Wash­ing­ton. In her offi­cial por­trait at the Nation­al Por­trait Gallery, she stands regal­ly before the Lin­coln Memo­ri­al’s columns in her fur coat, gaz­ing res­olute­ly into the mid­dle dis­tance, her hair gray with age and wis­dom. It’s the defin­ing image of an artist whose defi­ance has come to over­shad­ow her art.

The image is an undoubt­ed­ly pow­er­ful one, a key moment in the seem­ing­ly unend­ing strug­gle for jus­tice in the Unit­ed States, as well as “one of the most impor­tant musi­cal events of the 20th cen­tu­ry,” Anas­ta­sia Tsioul­cas writes at NPR. Ander­son “had nev­er faced such an enor­mous crowd” — 75,000 peo­ple of all races and back­grounds. “She was ter­ri­fied,” and lat­er wrote, “I could not run away from this sit­u­a­tion. If I had any­thing to offer, I would have to do so now.” She may have con­fessed to stage fright that day, but some char­ac­ter­i­za­tions do not do jus­tice to her pro­fes­sion­al­ism. Ander­son did not fear crowds or big­otry.

When she sang at the Lin­coln Memo­r­i­al, Ander­son was 42 years old and very much an inter­na­tion­al star. Four years ear­li­er, she had returned from Europe “as one of the most revered peo­ple on the plan­et” and per­formed at the White House for Eleanor Roo­sevelt. It was Roo­sevelt who arranged the 1939 Lin­coln Memo­r­i­al con­cert — after resign­ing from the Daugh­ters of the Amer­i­can Rev­o­lu­tion when the all-white group refused to rent the 4,000-seat Con­sti­tu­tion Hall to Howard Uni­ver­si­ty for their annu­al con­cert event for Ander­son.

Roo­sevelt had and would con­tin­ue to inter­vene in many such instances of racism, using her pow­er for demo­c­ra­t­ic good. Ander­son, while not an activist, was not new to musi­cal protest. In 1935, her appli­ca­tion to sing at the Salzburg Fes­ti­val in Aus­tria had been sim­i­lar­ly reject­ed, on the heels of a Nazi riot over Black bari­tone Aubrey Pankey’s per­for­mance in the city ear­li­er that year. “What Ander­son did next illus­trates a pat­tern of behav­ior that she would deploy as a weapon through­out her career,” Thur­man writes. “She showed up any­way.”

Ander­son held a small con­cert for a few devot­ed lis­ten­ers at Mozar­teum con­cert hall, then a few days lat­er in a hotel ball­room for “hun­dreds of elite musi­cians, who applaud­ed her act of defi­ance,” and shared in it them­selves. After this con­cert, famed con­duc­tor Arturo Toscani­ni met her back­stage and said, “What I heard today one is priv­i­leged to hear only once in a hun­dred years.” Ander­son, “became an inter­na­tion­al super­star overnight.” She built a rep­u­ta­tion through bold acts of defi­ance, but her great­est con­tri­bu­tions were always to music.

The “dig­ni­fied, sto­ic, mid­dle-aged Black woman” who appeared at the Lin­coln Memo­r­i­al was young once, writes Thur­man, and as much a sen­sa­tion in Europe as Josephine Bak­er. She’s been char­ac­ter­ized as “mod­est” and self-effac­ing, but she was also ambi­tious, an incred­i­bly tal­ent­ed child prodi­gy who knew she would find too many doors closed in the U.S. Like many Black artists of the ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry, she became a con­fi­dent, cel­e­brat­ed ex-pat: “Walk­ing down Salzburg’s hilly cob­ble­stone streets dur­ing her first day in the Alpine city, in the sum­mer of 1925, Ander­son was trailed by a cadre of jour­nal­ists every­where she went.”

Ten years lat­er, Ander­son would find things very much changed in Europe, and find her­self feel­ing as alien­at­ed in for­mer­ly wel­com­ing Aus­tria as she had in her home coun­try. (She was mourned by her Aus­tri­an fans. One crit­ic wrote of her last per­for­mance, “[her] music makes those peo­ple hap­py who have not yet giv­en up their belief that all men are equal.”) By 1939, Ander­son was a vet­er­an not only of opera and music hall stages around the world, but of fac­ing up to racism and dis­crim­i­na­tion.

“A qui­et, hum­ble per­son,” writes NPR’s Susan Stam­berg, “Ander­son often used ‘we’ when speak­ing about her­self,” refer­ring to the “many peo­ple whom we will nev­er know,” she once said, but who make our lives pos­si­ble. In the first song she sang at the Lin­coln Memo­r­i­al, “My Coun­try, ‘Tis of Thee,” she changed the words of the third line from “of thee I sing” to “to thee we sing,” a move that “can be heard as an embrace, imply­ing com­mu­ni­ty and group respon­si­bil­i­ty.” It could also imply Ander­son­’s con­scious­ness of her­self and her com­mu­ni­ty as mar­gin­al­ized out­siders in the coun­try of their birth, or her sense of her­self as address­ing an inte­grat­ed nation in that chilly, Novem­ber out­door crowd.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Brook­lyn Acad­e­my of Music Puts Online 70,000 Objects Doc­u­ment­ing the His­to­ry of the Per­form­ing Arts: Down­load Play­bills, Posters & More

Hear the High­est Note Sung in the 137-Year His­to­ry of the Met­ro­pol­i­tan Opera

Hear Singers from the Met­ro­pol­i­tan Opera Record Their Voic­es on Tra­di­tion­al Wax Cylin­ders

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

When Is a Joke “Too Soon”? — Comedians Discuss on Pretty Much Pop: A Culture Podcast #132

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To hon­or the death of Gilbert Got­tfried, Pret­ty Much Pop address­es jokes like the 9–11 one he was pil­lo­ried for. Can com­e­dy real­ly be “too soon” in rela­tion to trag­ic sub­ject mat­ter? Is com­e­dy real­ly tragedy plus time, or are jokes most need­ed imme­di­ate­ly when pain and dis­com­fort are most acute?

Your host Mark Lin­se­may­er is joined by three come­di­ans: Adam Sank (of the LGBTQ-themed Adam Sank Show), Twitch-stream­ing song­ster Meri Amber, and return­ing guest Daniel Lobell (graph­ic nov­el­ist and pod­cast­er). We get into tai­lor­ing jokes for an audi­ence, cop­ing with grief, and of course some talk about trig­ger­ing, hyper-sen­si­tive audi­ences, and can­cel­la­tion (Chapelle, any­one?).

Watch Got­tfried’s infa­mous joke your­self:

A few per­spec­tives we may have reviewed before talk­ing:

Fol­low us @AdamSank, @meriamber, @dannylobell, and @MarkLinsenmayer.

So maybe instead of the “Mac­cabees,” my Bible cam­p’s Pol­ish jokes instead made the “Canaan­ites” the butt of their humor. (Unless that actu­al­ly again refers some mod­ern, extant peo­ple…)

Hear more Pret­ty Much Pop. Sup­port the show and hear bonus talk­ing for this and near­ly every oth­er episode at patreon.com/prettymuchpop or by choos­ing a paid sub­scrip­tion through Apple Pod­casts. This pod­cast is part of the Par­tial­ly Exam­ined Life pod­cast net­work.

Pret­ty Much Pop: A Cul­ture Pod­cast is the first pod­cast curat­ed by Open Cul­ture. Browse all Pret­ty Much Pop posts.

How The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari Invented Psychological Horror Film & Brought Expressionism to the Screen (1920)

Even if you’ve nev­er actu­al­ly watched The Cab­i­net of Dr. Cali­gari, you’ve seen it. You’ve seen it through­out the cen­tu­ry of cin­e­ma his­to­ry since the film first came out, dur­ing which its influ­ence has man­i­fest­ed again and again: in Fritz Lang’s Metrop­o­lis, Dario Argen­to’s Sus­piria, Ter­ry Gilliam’s Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, Tarsem Singh’s The Cell, and Guiller­mo del Toro’s Night­mare Alley — not to men­tion much of the fil­mo­gra­phies of auteurs like David Lynch and Tim Bur­ton. These are just some of the films ref­er­enced by Tyler Knud­sen, bet­ter known as Cin­e­maTyler, in the video essay above, Dr. Cali­gari Did More Than Just Invent Hor­ror Movies.”

“A case can be made that Cali­gari was the first true hor­ror film,” writes Roger Ebert. In ear­li­er cin­e­mat­ic scary sto­ries, “char­ac­ters were inhab­it­ing a rec­og­niz­able world. Cali­gari cre­ates a mind­scape, a sub­jec­tive psy­cho­log­i­cal fan­ta­sy. In this world, unspeak­able hor­ror becomes pos­si­ble.”

The tech­niques employed to that end have also con­vinced cer­tain his­to­ri­ans of the medi­um to call the pic­ture “the first exam­ple in cin­e­ma of Ger­man Expres­sion­ism, a visu­al style in which not only the char­ac­ters but the world itself is out of joint.” Knud­sen places this style in his­tor­i­cal con­text, specif­i­cal­ly that of Ger­many’s Weimar Repub­lic, which was estab­lished after World War I and last­ed until the rise of the Nazis.

Polit­i­cal­ly unsta­ble but artis­ti­cal­ly fruit­ful, the Weimar peri­od gave rise to a vari­ety of new artis­tic atti­tudes, at once enthu­si­as­tic and over­whelmed. “Where­as impres­sion­ism tries to depict the real world, but only from a first glance or impres­sion instead of focus­ing on details,” Knud­sen says, “expres­sion­ism tries to get at the artist’s inner feel­ings rather than the actu­al appear­ance of the sub­ject mat­ter.” Hence the bizarre sets of Cali­gari, whose every angle looks designed to be max­i­mal­ly uncon­vinc­ing. And yet the film is entire­ly faith­ful to its par­tic­u­lar real­i­ty: not the one occu­pied by Weimar-era Ger­mans or any­one else, but the one it con­jures up in a man­ner only motion pic­tures can. 102 years lat­er, The Cab­i­net of Dr. Cali­gari remains a haunt­ing view­ing expe­ri­ence — and one expres­sive of the sheer poten­tial of cin­e­ma. You can watch it above.

Relat­ed con­tent:

10 Great Ger­man Expres­sion­ist Films: From Nos­fer­atu to The Cab­i­net of Dr. Cali­gari

What Is Ger­man Expres­sion­ism? A Crash Course on the Cin­e­mat­ic Tra­di­tion That Gave Us Metrop­o­lis, Nos­fer­atu & More

Vir­ginia Woolf Watch­es The Cab­i­net of Dr. Cali­gari & Writes “The Cin­e­ma,” a Sem­i­nal Attempt to Under­stand the Pow­er of Movies (1926)

From Cali­gari to Hitler: A Look at How Cin­e­ma Laid the Foun­da­tion for Tyran­ny in Weimar Ger­many

How Ger­man Expres­sion­ism Influ­enced Tim Bur­ton: A Video Essay

How Ger­man Expres­sion­ism Gave Rise to the “Dutch” Angle, the Cam­era Shot That Defined Clas­sic Films by Welles, Hitch­cock, Taran­ti­no & More

Based in Seoul, Col­in Mar­shall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. His projects include the Sub­stack newslet­ter Books on Cities, the book The State­less City: a Walk through 21st-Cen­tu­ry Los Ange­les and the video series The City in Cin­e­ma. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall, on Face­book, or on Insta­gram.

RIP Jean-Luc Godard: Watch the French New Wave Icon Explain His Contrarian Worldview Back in the 1960s

For almost forty years, we’ve been los­ing the French New Wave. François Truf­faut and Jacques Demy died young, back in the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry; Hen­ri Colpi, Éric Rohmer, and Claude Chabrol fol­lowed in the ear­ly years of the twen­ty-first. The last decade alone saw the pass­ings of Chris Mark­er, Alain Resnais, Jacques Riv­ette, and Agnès Var­da. But not until yes­ter­day did la Nou­velle Vague’s hardi­est sur­vivor, and indeed its defin­ing fig­ure, step off this mor­tal coil at the age of 91. Jean-Luc Godard did­n’t launch the move­ment — that dis­tinc­tion belongs to Truf­faut’s The 400 Blows, from 1959 — but in 1960 his first fea­ture Breath­less made film­go­ers the world over under­stand at once that the old rules no longer applied.

Yet for all his will­ing­ness to vio­late its con­ven­tions, Godard pos­sessed a thor­ough­go­ing respect for cin­e­ma. This per­haps came from his pre-auteur­hood years he spent as a film crit­ic in Paris, writ­ing for the estimable Cahiers du ciné­ma (an insti­tu­tion to which Truf­faut, Rohmer, Chabrol, and Riv­ette also con­tributed). “It made me love every­thing,” he says of his expe­ri­ence with crit­i­cism in the 1963 inter­view just above.

“It taught me not to be nar­row-mind­ed, not to ignore Renoir in favor of Bil­ly Wilder.” A con­trar­i­an from the begin­ning, the young Godard dis­dained what he saw as the for­mal­ized and intel­lec­tu­al­ized prod­ucts of the French film indus­try in favor of vis­cer­al­ly crowd-pleas­ing pic­tures made in the U.S.A.

“We Euro­peans have movies in our head, and Amer­i­cans have movies in their blood,” says Godard in the 1965 British tele­vi­sion inter­view above. “We have cen­turies and cen­turies of cul­ture behind us. We have to think about things. We can’t just do things.” To “just do things” is per­haps the prime artis­tic desire dri­ving his oeu­vre, which spans sev­en decades and includes more than 40 fea­ture films as well as many projects of less eas­i­ly cat­e­go­riz­able form. But this went with a life­long immer­sion in clas­si­cal Euro­pean cul­ture, evi­denced by a fil­mog­ra­phy dense with ref­er­ences to its works. The weight of his for­ma­tion and ambi­tions took a cer­tain toll ear­ly on: “I’m already tired,” he says in a 1960 inter­view at Cannes, where Breath­less was screen­ing. Did the per­ma­nent rev­o­lu­tion­ary of cin­e­ma sus­pect, even then, how far he still had to go?

Relat­ed con­tent:

An Intro­duc­tion to Jean-Luc Godard’s Inno­v­a­tive Film­mak­ing Through Five Video Essays

How the French New Wave Changed Cin­e­ma: A Video Intro­duc­tion to the Films of Godard, Truf­faut & Their Fel­low Rule-Break­ers

Jean-Luc Godard Takes Cannes’ Rejec­tion of Breath­less in Stride in 1960 Inter­view

How Jean-Luc Godard Lib­er­at­ed Cin­e­ma: A Video Essay on How the Great­est Rule-Break­er in Film Made His Name

Watch Jean-Luc Godard’s Film­mak­ing Mas­ter­class on Insta­gram

RIP Jean-Paul Bel­mon­do: The Actor Who Went from the French New Wave to Action Super­star­dom

Based in Seoul, Col­in Mar­shall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. His projects include the Sub­stack newslet­ter Books on Cities, the book The State­less City: a Walk through 21st-Cen­tu­ry Los Ange­les and the video series The City in Cin­e­ma. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall, on Face­book, or on Insta­gram.

The Hidden History of “Hand Talk,” the Native American Sign Language That Predated ASL by Centuries

No one per­son can take cred­it for the inven­tion of Amer­i­can Sign Lan­guage. Its his­to­ry reach­es back to the ear­ly 19th cen­tu­ry, when forms of sign devel­oped among Deaf com­mu­ni­ties in New Eng­land. Ear­ly attempts at a signed form of Eng­lish that repli­cat­ed pho­net­ic sounds gave way to a pure sign lan­guage with no ref­er­ence to speech, com­bin­ing forms of sign used by Deaf com­mu­ni­ties in New Eng­land with LSF (Langue des Signes Française), a French sys­tem invent­ed in 1760. By 1835, ASL had become the stan­dard lan­guage of Deaf instruc­tion. 20 years lat­er over 40% of teach­ers were also them­selves deaf users of ASL.

The “ori­gins of the Amer­i­can Deaf-World” — as Har­lan Lane, Richard Pil­lard, and Mary French write in an arti­cle for Sign Lan­guage Stud­ies – has “major roots in a tri­an­gle of New Eng­land Deaf com­mu­ni­ties.” Here, the first school for the Deaf that used ASL was found­ed by Thomas Gal­laudet and Lau­rent Clerc; annu­al con­ven­tions brought togeth­er Deaf stu­dents and edu­ca­tors from all around the coun­try; peri­od­i­cals were found­ed; and, at one time, a Deaf com­mon­wealth was pro­posed and “debat­ed at length at the 1858 meet­ing of the New Eng­land Gal­laudet Asso­ci­a­tion.”

How­ev­er, as the Vox video explain­er points out, there’s anoth­er, far deep­er his­to­ry – notably the pre­vi­ous exis­tence of Indige­nous sign lan­guages all over North Amer­i­ca. One form of “Hand Talk” called Plains Indi­ans Sign Lan­guage (PISL) rep­re­sents “one of the old­est lan­guages in North Amer­i­ca.” It was not only a sys­tem of sign for the Deaf but also oper­at­ed as a lin­gua fran­ca among dif­fer­ent lan­guage groups. PISL “was the means for com­merce,” says PISL edu­ca­tor Lan­ny Real Bird. “It was the means for eco­nom­ics.… Plains Indi­an Sign Lan­guage was the medi­um for com­mu­ni­ca­tion of inter­trib­al nations.”

Melanie McK­ay-Cody, Pro­fes­sor at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Ari­zona and mem­ber of the Chero­kee Nation West, shows how many of the ges­tures of Hand Talk more gen­er­al­ly — or “North Amer­i­can Indi­an Sign Lan­guage” — can be found in ancient rock writ­ing. Hand Talk has region­al vari­a­tions all over the con­ti­nent, includ­ing a North­east Indi­an Sign Lan­guage cov­er­ing what is now New Eng­land, the upper Mid­west, and the Mid-Atlantic. Researchers like McK­ay-Cody believe that this vari­ant sig­nif­i­cant­ly influ­enced ASL through Native Amer­i­can chil­dren forced to attend the Amer­i­can School for the Deaf, which was then called the Amer­i­can Asy­lum for Dead Mutes.

The video presents com­pelling evi­dence for North Amer­i­can Indi­an Sign Lan­guage’s influ­ence on ASL, and on Amer­i­can cul­ture more gen­er­al­ly, includ­ing a 1930 film of the Indi­an Sign Lan­guage Grand Coun­cil, “one of the largest gath­er­ings of inter­trib­al Indige­nous lead­ers ever filmed.” Orga­nized by Gen­er­al Hugh L. Scott, the pur­pose of the coun­cil was to pre­serve PISL. Con­cerned that “young men are not learn­ing your sign lan­guage,” as he signed to the trib­al lead­ers, Scott wor­ried “it will dis­ap­pear from this coun­try.”

It so hap­pened that ASL itself might have dis­ap­peared in the 1870s and 80s when fierce oppo­nents of sign lan­guage — called “Oral­ists” and lead by Alexan­der Gra­ham Bell — attempt­ed to ban ASL and force Deaf stu­dents to com­mu­ni­cate with speech and lip-read­ing. Gra­ham’s moth­er was Deaf; his father invent­ed a sys­tem of sym­bols called “Vis­i­ble Speech” which Gra­ham him­self taught at a pri­vate school. Despite his efforts, ASL thrived.

As you’ll learn in the video, how­ev­er, Scott and the trib­al lead­ers he gath­ered had rea­son for con­cern all the way back in 1930. Few users of Indige­nous sign lan­guages remain after the gen­er­a­tion of stu­dents forced to assim­i­late “were told,” McK­ay-Cody says, “that ASL was supe­ri­or to what­ev­er their Native sign was.”

Relat­ed Con­tent:

How Inge­nious Sign Lan­guage Inter­preters Are Bring­ing Music to Life for the Deaf: Visu­al­iz­ing the Sound of Rhythm, Har­mo­ny & Melody

Native Lands: An Inter­ac­tive Map Reveals the Indige­nous Lands on Which Mod­ern Nations Were Built

Eve­lyn Glen­nie (a Musi­cian Who Hap­pens to Be Deaf) Shows How We Can Lis­ten to Music with Our Entire Bod­ies

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

The Beauty & Ingenuity of the Pantheon, Ancient Rome’s Best-Preserved Monument: An Introduction

Asked to name our favorite con­crete build­ing, many of us would strug­gle to hold back a sneer. Though the copi­ous use of that mate­r­i­al by mid-twen­ti­eth-cen­tu­ry style known as Bru­tal­ism has late­ly gained new gen­er­a­tions of enthu­si­asts, we still more com­mon­ly hear it lament­ed as a source of archi­tec­tur­al “mon­strosi­ties.” But as a build­ing mate­r­i­al, con­crete goes back much fur­ther in his­to­ry than the decades fol­low­ing World War II. To find a uni­ver­sal­ly beloved exam­ple, we need mere­ly look back to sec­ond-cen­tu­ry Rome. There we find the Pan­theon, look­ing much the same as it does in twen­ty-first cen­tu­ry Rome today.

The best-pre­served mon­u­ment of ancient Rome, the Pan­theon (not to be con­fused with the Greek Parthenon) has remained in con­tin­u­ous use, first as “a tem­ple to the gods, then sanc­ti­fied and made into a church. Now, of course, it’s a major tourist attrac­tion.” So says schol­ar Steven Zuck­er in the Khan Acad­e­my video above, a brief pho­to­graph­ic tour he leads along­side his col­league Beth Har­ris.

“As soon as you walk in, you notice that there’s a kind of obses­sion with cir­cles, with rec­tan­gles, with squares, with those kinds of per­fect geo­met­ri­cal shapes,” says Har­ris. “Because of the Roman use of con­crete, the idea [obtained] that archi­tec­ture could be some­thing that shaped space and that could have a dif­fer­ent kind of rela­tion­ship to the view­er.”

You can go deep­er into the Pan­theon (built cir­ca 125 AD) through the tour video by Youtu­ber Gar­rett Ryan, cre­ator of the ancient-his­to­ry chan­nel Told in Stone. Call­ing the Pan­theon “arguably the most influ­en­tial build­ing of all time,” he goes on to sup­port that bold claim by exam­in­ing a host of struc­tur­al and aes­thet­ic ele­ments (not least its sub­lime­ly spher­i­cal rotun­da) that would inspire archi­tects in the Renais­sance, a time ded­i­cat­ed to mak­ing use of ancient Greek and Roman knowl­edge, and in some sense ever after. This may come as a sur­prise to view­ers with only a casu­al inter­est in archi­tec­ture — more than it would to the Emper­or Hadri­an, com­mis­sion­er of the Pan­theon, who seems not to have been giv­en to great doubts about the dura­bil­i­ty of his lega­cy.

Relat­ed con­tent:

A Vir­tu­al Tour of Ancient Rome, Cir­ca 320 CE: Explore Stun­ning Recre­ations of The Forum, Colos­se­um and Oth­er Mon­u­ments

An Ani­mat­ed Recon­struc­tion of Ancient Rome: Take A 30-Minute Stroll Through the City’s Vir­tu­al­ly-Recre­at­ed Streets

What Hap­pened to the Miss­ing Half of the Roman Colos­se­um?

Rome Reborn: Take a Vir­tu­al Tour of Ancient Rome, Cir­ca 320 C.E.

Roman Archi­tec­ture: A Free Online Course from Yale Uni­ver­si­ty

Ital­ian Street Musi­cian Plays Amaz­ing Cov­ers of Pink Floyd Songs, Right in Front of the Pan­theon in Rome

Based in Seoul, Col­in Mar­shall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. His projects include the Sub­stack newslet­ter Books on Cities, the book The State­less City: a Walk through 21st-Cen­tu­ry Los Ange­les and the video series The City in Cin­e­ma. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall, on Face­book, or on Insta­gram.

When John Singer Sargent’s “Madame X” Scandalized the Art World in 1884

Any­one who’s ever walked the red car­pet or posed for a high fash­ion shoot would count them­selves lucky to cre­ate the sort of impres­sion made by John Singer Sar­gent’s icon­ic por­trait of Madame X.

Though not if we’re talk­ing about the sort of impres­sion the paint­ing made in 1884, when the model’s haughty demeanor, plung­ing bodice, and unapolo­getic use of skin-light­en­ing, pos­si­bly arsenic-based cos­met­ics got the Paris Salon all riled up.

Most scan­dalous­ly, one of her gown’s jew­eled straps had slipped from her shoul­der, a cos­tume mal­func­tion this cool beau­ty appar­ent­ly couldn’t be both­ered to fix, or even turn her head to acknowl­edge.

Vir­ginie Amélie Aveg­no Gautreau, the New Orleans-born Paris socialite (social climber, some would have sniffed) so strik­ing­ly depict­ed by Sar­gent, was hor­ri­fied by her like­ness’ recep­tion at the Salon. Although Sar­gent had coy­ly replaced her name with an ellipses in the painting’s title, there was no doubt in view­ers’ minds as to her iden­ti­ty.

John Sar­gent, Evan Char­teris’ 1927 biog­ra­phy, shows Madame Gautreau very lit­tle mer­cy when recount­ing her attempts at dam­age con­trol:

A demand was made that the pic­ture should be with­drawn. It is not among the least of the curiosi­ties of human nature, that while an indi­vid­ual will con­fess and even draw atten­tion to his own fail­ings, he will deeply resent the same office being under­tak­en by some­one else. So it was with the dress of Madame Gautreau. Here a dis­tin­guished artist was pro­claim­ing to the pub­lic in paint a fact about her­self she had hith­er­to nev­er made any attempt to con­ceal, one which had, indeed, formed one of her many social assets. Her resent­ment was pro­found.

Sar­gent, dis­traught that his por­trait of the cel­e­brat­ed scene­mak­er had yield­ed the oppo­site of the hoped-for pos­i­tive splash, refused to indulge her request to remove the paint­ing from exhi­bi­tion.

His friend, painter Ralph Worme­ley Cur­tis, wrote to his par­ents of the scene he wit­nessed in Sargent’s stu­dio when Madame Gautreau’s moth­er rolled up, “bathed in tears”, primed to defend her daugh­ter:


(She) made a fear­ful scene say­ing “Ma fille est per­du — tout Paris se moque d’elle. Mon genre sera for­cé de se bat­tre. Elle mouri­ra de cha­grin” etc. 

(My daugh­ter is lost — all of Paris mocks her. My kind will be forced to fight. She will die of sor­row.) 

John replied it was against all laws to retire a pic­ture. He paint­ed her exact­ly as she was dressed, that noth­ing could be said of the can­vas than had been said of her appear­ance dans le monde etc. etc.

Defend­ing his cause made him feel much bet­ter. Still we talked it all over till 1 o’clock here last night and I fear he has nev­er had such a blow. He says he wants to get out of Paris for a time. He goes to Eng. in 3 weeks. I fear là bas he will fall into Pre‑R. Influ­ence wh. has got a strange hold of him, he says since Siena.

As Char­lotte, cre­ator of the Art Deco YouTube chan­nel, points out in a fre­net­ic overview of the scan­dal, below, Sar­gent came out of this fias­co a bit bet­ter than Madame Gautreau, whose dam­aged rep­u­ta­tion cost her friends as well as her queen bee sta­tus.

(In her essay, Vir­ginie Amélie Aveg­no Gautreau: Liv­ing Stat­ue, art his­to­ri­an Eliz­a­beth L. Block cor­rects Char­lot­te’s asser­tion that the paint­ing “destroyed Madame Gautreau’ life”. Con­trary to pop­u­lar opin­ion, with­in three years, she was mak­ing her the­atri­cal debut, host­ing par­ties, and was hailed by the New York Times as a “piece of plas­tic per­fec­tion.”‍)

Sar­gent did indeed decamp for Eng­land, where he found both cre­ative and crit­i­cal suc­cess. By century’s end, he was wide­ly rec­og­nized as the most suc­cess­ful por­trait painter of his day.

The por­trait of Madame Gautreau remained enough of a sore spot that he kept it out of the pub­lic eye for more than twen­ty years, though short­ly after its dis­as­trous debut at the Salon, he did take anoth­er swipe at it, repo­si­tion­ing the sug­ges­tive shoul­der strap to a more con­ven­tion­al­ly accept­able loca­tion, as the below pho­to, tak­en in his stu­dio in 1885 con­firms.

In 1905, he final­ly allowed it to see the light of day in a Lon­don exhi­bi­tion, with sub­se­quent engage­ments in Berlin, Rome and San Fran­cis­co.

In 1916, when the por­trait was still on dis­play in San Fran­cis­co, he wrote his friend Edward “Ned” Robin­son, Direc­tor of The Met­ro­pol­i­tan Muse­um of Art, offer­ing to sell it for £1,000, say­ing, “I sup­pose it is the best thing I have done.”

“By the way,” he added, “I should pre­fer, on account of the row I had with the lady years ago, that the pic­ture should not be called by her name.”

Even though Madame Gautreau had died the pre­vi­ous year, Robin­son oblig­ed, reti­tling the paint­ing Por­trait of Madame X, the name by which it and its glam­orous mod­el are famous­ly known today.

Read Eliz­a­beth L. Block’s fas­ci­nat­ing essay, “Vir­ginie Amélie Aveg­no Gautreau: Liv­ing Stat­ue” here.

Read about the dis­cov­er­ies Met­ro­pol­i­tan Muse­um of Art con­ser­va­tion­ists made dur­ing X‑radiography and infrared reflec­tog­ra­phy of the por­trait here.

Com­ple­tion­ists might even want to have a gan­der at Nicole Kid­man done up to resem­ble Madame X for a 1998 Vogue spread shot by Steven Meisel.

Relat­ed Con­tent 

The Scan­dalous Paint­ing That Helped Cre­ate Mod­ern Art: An Intro­duc­tion to Édouard Manet’s Olympia

When Pablo Picas­so and Guil­laume Apol­li­naire Were Accused of Steal­ing the Mona Lisa (1911)

- Ayun Hal­l­i­day is the Chief Pri­ma­tol­o­gist of the East Vil­lage Inky zine and author, most recent­ly, of Cre­ative, Not Famous: The Small Pota­to Man­i­festo.  Fol­low her @AyunHalliday.

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