Michael Lewis Tells Princeton Graduates How Moneyball Rules Apply to Real Life

More and more we see a trend — high cal­iber schools are ask­ing celebri­ties to deliv­er their big com­mence­ment speech­es. Conan O’Brien at Dart­mouthStephen Col­bert at North­west­ernDen­zel Wash­ing­ton at PennTom Han­ks at Yale. The list goes on. Admit­ted­ly, the talks can be enter­tain­ing. But, it’s still a breath of fresh air when schools actu­al­ly put an author cen­ter stage. Wit­ness Neil Gaiman at The Uni­ver­si­ty of the Arts and now Michael Lewis at Prince­ton.

Lewis grad­u­at­ed from Prince­ton in 1982, and went on to write many best­sellers — Liar’s Pok­erThe Blind Side, The Big Short, and Mon­ey­ball, a book turned into a Hol­ly­wood pro­duc­tion by Brad Pitt. You prob­a­bly know the gist of Mon­ey­ball. Major league base­ball clubs have long over­val­ued star play­ers, and under­val­ued ver­sa­tile ones who fly beneath the radar. That only changed when scrap­pi­er, finan­cial­ly-pressed teams start­ed min­ing base­ball data in intel­li­gent ways. Well, it turns out the same log­ic applies to the work­ing world. Cor­po­ra­tions reward exec­u­tives out­ra­geous­ly, while under­valu­ing many con­trib­u­tors in an orga­ni­za­tion, which leads “suc­cess­ful” peo­ple to believe they’re extreme­ly tal­ent­ed rather than gen­er­al­ly lucky. So here’s Lewis’ mes­sage to Prince­ton grads. When you get rich or famous, don’t get too car­ried away with your­self. Your suc­cess might have to do with “being there,” or being in the right sys­tem, more than any­thing else.

And now for anoth­er real­i­ty check for grad­u­ates — this one from Welles­ley High Eng­lish teacher David McCul­lough Jr. (son of the famous his­to­ri­an) who tells grads “You are not spe­cial. You are not excep­tion­al.” The empir­i­cal evi­dence makes that clear:

Stanley Kubrick’s Rare 1965 Interview with The New Yorker

Stan­ley Kubrick did­n’t like giv­ing long inter­views, but he loved play­ing chess. So when the physi­cist and writer Jere­my Bern­stein paid him a vis­it to gath­er mate­r­i­al for a piece for The New York­er about a new film project he was writ­ing with Arthur C. Clarke, Kubrick was intrigued to learn that Bern­stein was a fair­ly seri­ous chess play­er. After Bern­stein’s brief arti­cle on Kubrick and Clarke, “Beyond the Stars,” appeared in the mag­a­zine’s “Talk of the Town” sec­tion in April of 1965, Bern­stein pro­posed doing a full-length New York­er pro­file on the film­mak­er and his new project. For some rea­son, Kubrick accept­ed. So lat­er that year Bern­stein flew to Eng­land, where Kubrick was get­ting ready to film 2001: A Space Odyssey. Bern­stein stayed there for much of the film­ing, play­ing chess with Kubrick every day between takes. When the piece even­tu­al­ly ran in The New York­er it was appro­pri­ate­ly titled “How About a Lit­tle Game?”

One thing Bern­stein learned about Kubrick was that he loved gad­gets. He had a spe­cial fond­ness for tape recorders. In the pro­file, Bern­stein quotes the film­mak­er’s wife Chris­tiane as say­ing, “Stan­ley would be hap­py with eight tape recorders and one pair of pants.”

So when it came time to do the inter­views, Kubrick took con­trol as direc­tor and insist­ed on using one of the devices. “My inter­views were done before tape recorders were com­mon­place,” Bern­stein lat­er wrote. “I cer­tain­ly did­n’t have one. Kubrick did. He did all his script writ­ing by talk­ing into it. He said that we should use it for the inter­views. Lat­er on, when I used a quote from the tape he did­n’t like, he said, ‘I know it’s on the tape, but I will deny say­ing it any­way.’ ”

Kubrick talked with Bern­stein on a range of top­ics relat­ed to his ear­ly career. In the near­ly 77 min­utes of audio pre­served in the record­ing above, Kubrick dis­cuss­es his bad grades in high school and his good luck in land­ing a job as a pho­tog­ra­ph­er for Look mag­a­zine, his ear­li­est film work pro­duc­ing news­reels, and all of his fea­ture films up to that point, includ­ing Paths of Glo­ry, Loli­ta and Dr. Strangelove. He talks about his work­ing rela­tion­ships with Clarke and Vladimir Nabokov, and his views on space explo­ration and the threat of nuclear war.

The exact time of the inter­view is dif­fi­cult to pin down. Sources across the Inter­net give the date as Novem­ber 27, 1966, but that is cer­tain­ly incor­rect. While it’s true that Kubrick gives the date as Novem­ber 27 at the begin­ning of the tape, Bern­stein’s profile–which includes mate­r­i­al from the interview–was pub­lished on Novem­ber 12, 1966, and Kubrick made cor­rec­tions to the gal­ley proofs as ear­ly as April, 1966. The inter­view was appar­ent­ly con­duct­ed in mul­ti­ple takes start­ing on Novem­ber 27, 1965 and end­ing some­time in ear­ly 1966. Film­ing of 2001: A Space Odyssey com­menced on Decem­ber 29, 1965 (a month after the taped con­ver­sa­tion begins), and near the end of the tape Kubrick men­tions hav­ing already shot 80,000 feet, or about 14.8 hours, of film.

Relat­ed con­tent:

Stan­ley Kubrick­’s Fil­mog­ra­phy Ani­mat­ed

Stan­ley Kubrick­’s Pho­tographs: Browse Them or Own Them

Stan­ley Kubrick­’s Very First Films: Three Short Doc­u­men­taries

Kurt Vonnegut: “How To Get A Job Like Mine” (2002)

Kurt Von­negut had many endear­ing qual­i­ties, one being that he liked to trav­el to uni­ver­si­ties where he deliv­ered a talk called “How To Get A Job Like Mine.” The sub­stance, how­ev­er, was always dif­fer­ent, and the con­ver­sa­tion often did­n’t focus on the writ­ing life, or any­thing like it. The talk was real­ly a ves­sel for what­ev­er hap­pened to be on Von­negut’s mind, and it prob­a­bly was­n’t uncom­mon for him to mean­der through his talk, as he did here, then pause and say, “Now, let’s see what the hell else I’ve got here. Where did I even start? I don’t know.”

The talk will give you a glimpse into the quirky per­son­al­i­ty that was Von­negut’s, some non sequiturs on sex & gen­der, anec­dotes about his uncle Alex, and then a few heart­felt thoughts on the life worth liv­ing. Even­tu­al­ly, we final­ly get to writ­ing, or some­thing remote­ly approach­ing it. Von­negut was known for giv­ing a humor­ous spiel on the “shape” or “blue­print” of the sto­ry, explain­ing what Kafka’s Meta­mor­pho­sis, Shake­speare’s Ham­let and Cin­derel­la all have in com­mon. If you want to zero in on that famous bit, feel free to jump ahead. But be warned that you’ll be miss­ing a lot of sweet ran­dom­ness and good fun.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Writ­ing Tips from Hen­ry Miller, Elmore Leonard, Mar­garet Atwood, Neil Gaiman & George Orwell

John Steinbeck’s Six Tips for the Aspir­ing Writer and His Nobel Prize Speech

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What Is a Flame?: The First Prize-Winner at Alan Alda’s Science Video Competition

If an eleven year old child asked you to explain what a flame was, what would you say? When Alan Alda was 11 and posed the ques­tion, his teacher replied, “Oxy­da­tion.”

Unsat­is­fied and still curi­ous, Alda went on to help cre­ate the Cen­ter for Com­mu­ni­cat­ing Sci­ence at Stony Brook Uni­ver­si­ty. This year the Cen­ter issued the Flame Chal­lenge, invit­ing all com­ers to take a stab at explain­ing what a flame is. The only require­ment: Make your expla­na­tion clear, and inter­est­ing, to an 11-year-old.

Sci­en­tists from all over the world sent in entries – some were just one sen­tence (one actu­al­ly stat­ed, “A flame is oxi­da­tion.” Come on!). Anoth­er was a 37-page writ­ten expla­na­tion. After judg­ing the entries (all of which were pre-screened by sci­en­tists for accu­ra­cy), class­rooms of 11-year-olds declared a win­ner: an ani­mat­ed video by Ben Ames, a doc­tor­al stu­dent in quan­tum optics.

In the sev­en-and-a-half minute video, the con­ge­nial voice of a sci­en­tist (Ames) explains a flame to a beard­ed man chained in hell.

“See that fire over there?” Ames asks. “Have you ever real­ly won­dered what the flames are from that fire? I mean look at all those col­ors!”

He goes on charm­ing­ly to describe the process, with­out avoid­ing big words that kids actu­al­ly seem to love: when atoms (car­bon and hydro­gen) react to heat and change form, that’s pyrol­y­sis. That chem­i­cal reac­tion radi­ates light: chemi­lu­mi­nes­cence. Then the changed car­bon and hydro­gen inter­act with oxy­gen and that’s—you guessed it—oxi­da­tion.

But 11-year-olds love music too, right? Ames wraps it up with a song:

The fuel los­es mass, it turns to gas

Before the next change through, some atoms shine blue

When the process is com­plete, it gives off heat

Extra car­bon will glow—red, orange, yel­low.

Kate Rix is an Oak­land-based edu­ca­tion writer.

Watch Hendrix, The Who, and Others Play 1967’s Monterey Pop, the “First Real Rock Festival”

Even a mild inter­est in the cul­ture of twen­ti­eth-cen­tu­ry Amer­i­can rock will lead you to learn about the Wood­stock Music & Art Fair, those oft-com­mem­o­rat­ed “three days of peace and music” in August 1969. But roll the clock back two years, turn from the east coast to the west, and you’ll find the tem­plate for that icon­ic “Aquar­i­an Expo­si­tion”: the Mon­terey Inter­na­tion­al Pop Music Fes­ti­val. Held from June 16 to June 18, 1967 in Cal­i­for­ni­a’s Mon­terey Coun­ty Fair­grounds, Mon­terey Pop fea­tured a who’s-who of the com­ing momen­t’s musi­cal pan­theon: Jef­fer­son Air­plane, Janis Joplin, Simon and Gar­funkel, Ravi Shankar (play­ing for an entire after­noon), and the Grate­ful Dead. In the intense­ly era-dis­till­ing clip above, watch a cer­tain Jimi Hen­drix fire off his inim­itable ver­sion of Bob Dylan’s “Like a Rolling Stone.” Not bad at all for what Rusty DeS­o­to called “the first real rock fes­ti­val.”

Mon­terey Pop, orig­i­nal­ly con­ceived as a rock-legit­imiz­ing com­pan­ion to the exist­ing Mon­terey Jazz and Folk Fes­ti­vals, brought many of its host­ed artists a kind of pop­u­lar­i­ty they’d nev­er had before. Otis Red­ding, just six months before his untime­ly death, enjoyed his first pre­dom­i­nant­ly non-black live audi­ence in Mon­terey — and they, by all accounts, enjoyed him. Colum­bia Records gave Joplin and her band, Big Broth­er and the Hold­ing Com­pa­ny, a con­tract on the strength of their Mon­terey show (right above). A great deal of high-qual­i­ty film and audio tape of these per­for­mances sur­vives, thanks in large part to doc­u­men­tar­i­an D.A. Pen­nebak­er, whose film Mon­terey Pop remains the defin­i­tive record of the fes­ti­val. Watch any of the footage, such as the clip below of a ram­bunc­tious out­fit by the name of The Who, and you’ll under­stand just how force­ful­ly Mon­terey Pop launched these artists into the zeit­geist.

Relat­ed con­tent:

Jef­fer­son Air­plane Wakes Up New York; Jean-Luc Godard Cap­tures It (1968)

Wood­stock Revis­it­ed in Three Min­utes

Col­in Mar­shall hosts and pro­duces Note­book on Cities and Cul­ture. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

Rembrandt’s Facebook Timeline

The Rijksmu­se­um, locat­ed in Ams­ter­dam, hous­es famous paint­ings by Rem­brandt, Ver­meer, and oth­er Dutch mas­ters. Recent­ly, the 212-year-old muse­um decid­ed to get a lit­tle mod­ern when it imag­ined what Rem­brandt’s Face­book Time­line might look like. “I made a self-por­trait. Let me know what you think!,” Rem­brandt announces (in Eng­lish!) 384 years ago — to which Peter Paul Rubens, a con­tem­po­rary, responds, “Nice one!” And lat­er Rem­brandt announces, “Look what Johannes [Ver­meer] made!,” point­ing to the The Milk Maid, which already has over 5,000 “Likes.” And so the video goes.

You can find The Rijksmu­se­um on Face­book here, and our stim­u­lat­ing Face­book Page here, where we share our posts every day.

via Sci­ence Dump

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Andrei Tarkovsky’s Very First Films: Three Student Films, 1956–1960

The great Russ­ian film­mak­er Andrei Tarkovsky made only sev­en fea­ture films in his short life. (Find most of them online here.) But before mak­ing those, he direct­ed and co-direct­ed three films as a stu­dent at the All-Union State Cin­e­ma Insti­tute, or VGIK. Those three films, when viewed as a pro­gres­sion, offer insights into Tarkovsky’s ear­ly devel­op­ment as an artist and his strug­gle to over­come the con­straints of col­lec­tivism and assert his own per­son­al vision.

The Killers, 1956:

Tarkovsky was for­tu­nate to enter the VGIK when he did. As he arrived at the school in 1954 (after first spend­ing a year at the Insti­tute of East­ern Stud­ies and anoth­er year on a geo­log­i­cal expe­di­tion in Siberia) the Sovi­et Union was enter­ing a peri­od of lib­er­al­iza­tion known as the “Krushchev Thaw.” Joseph Stal­in had died in 1953, and the new Com­mu­nist Par­ty First Sec­re­tary, Niki­ta Khrushchev, denounced the dead dic­ta­tor and insti­tut­ed a series of reforms. As a result the Sovi­et film indus­try was enter­ing a boom peri­od, and there was a huge influx of pre­vi­ous­ly banned for­eign movies, books and oth­er cul­tur­al works to draw inspi­ra­tion from. One of those new­ly acces­si­ble works was the 1927 Ernest Hem­ing­way short sto­ry, “The Killers.”

Tarkovsky’s adap­ta­tion of Hem­ing­way’s sto­ry (see above) was a project for Mikhail Rom­m’s direct­ing class. Romm was a famous fig­ure in Sovi­et cin­e­ma. There were some 500 appli­cants for his direct­ing pro­gram at the VGIK in 1954, but only 15 were admit­ted, includ­ing Tarkovsky. In The Films of Andrei Tarkovsky: A Visu­al Fugue, Vida T. John­son and Gra­ham Petrie describe the envi­ron­ment in Rom­m’s class:

Rom­m’s most impor­tant les­son was that it is, in fact, impos­si­ble to teach some­one to become a direc­tor. Tarkovsky’s fel­low students–his first wife [Irma Rausch] and his friend, Alexan­der Gordon–remember that Romm, unlike most oth­er VGIK mas­ter teach­ers, encour­aged his stu­dents to think for them­selves, to devel­op their indi­vid­ual tal­ents, and even to crit­i­cize his work. Tarkovsky flour­ished in this uncon­strained envi­ron­ment, so unusu­al for the nor­mal­ly stodgy and con­ser­v­a­tive VGIK.

Tarkovsky worked with a pair of co-direc­tors on The Killers, but by all accounts he was the dom­i­nant cre­ative force. There are three scenes in the movie. Scenes one and three, which take place in a din­er, were direct­ed by Tarkovsky. Scene two, set in a board­ing house, was direct­ed by Gor­don. Osten­si­bly there was anoth­er co-direc­tor, Mari­ka Beiku, work­ing with Tarkovsky on the din­er scenes, but accord­ing to Gor­don “Andrei was def­i­nite­ly in charge.” In a 1990 essay, Gor­don writes:

The sto­ry of how we shot Hem­ing­way’s The Killers is a sim­ple one. In the spring Romm told us what we would have to do–shoot only indoors, use just a small group of actors and base the sto­ry on some dra­mat­ic event. It was Tarkovsky’s idea to pro­duce The Killers. The parts were to be played by fel­low students–Nick Adams by Yuli Fait, Ole Andreson the for­mer box­er, of course, by Vasi­ly Shuk­shin. The mur­der­ers were Valentin Vino­gradov, a direct­ing stu­dent, and Boris Novikov, an act­ing stu­dent. I played the cafe own­er.

The film­mak­ers scav­enged var­i­ous props from the homes of friends and fam­i­ly, col­lect­ing bot­tles with for­eign labels for the cafe scenes. The script fol­lows Hem­ing­way’s sto­ry very close­ly. While two short tran­si­tion­al pas­sages are omit­ted, the  film oth­er­wise match­es the text almost word-for-word. In the sto­ry, two wise-crack­ing gang­sters, Al and Max, show up in a small-town eat­ing house and briefly take sev­er­al peo­ple (includ­ing Hem­ing­way’s recur­ring pro­tag­o­nist Nick Adams) hostage as they set up a trap to ambush a reg­u­lar cus­tomer named Ole Andreson. One notable depar­ture from the source mate­r­i­al occurs in a scene were the own­er George, played by Gor­don, ner­vous­ly goes to the kitchen to make sand­wich­es for a cus­tomer while the gang­sters keep their fin­gers on the trig­gers. In the sto­ry, Hem­ing­way’s descrip­tion is mat­ter-of-fact:

Inside the kitchen he saw Al, his der­by cap tipped back, sit­ting on a stool beside the wick­et with the muz­zle of a sawed-off shot­gun rest­ing on the ledge. Nick and the cook were back to back in the cor­ner, a tow­el tied in each of their mouths. George had cooked the sand­wich, wrapped it up in oiled paper, put it in a bag, brought it in, and the man had paid for it and gone out.

In Tarkovsky’s hands the scene becomes a cin­e­mat­ic set piece of height­ened sus­pense, as the cus­tomer wait­ing at the counter (played by Tarkovsky him­self) whis­tles a pop­u­lar Amer­i­can tune, “Lul­la­by of Bird­land,” while the ner­vous cafe own­er makes his sand­wich­es. Our point of view shifts from that of George, who glances around the kitchen to see what is going on, to that of Nick, who lies on the floor unable to see much of any­thing. “Tarkovsky was seri­ous about his work,” writes Gor­don, “but jol­ly at the same time. He gave the cam­era stu­dents, Alvarez and Rybin, plen­ty of time to do the light­ing well. He cre­at­ed long paus­es, gen­er­at­ed lots of ten­sion in those paus­es, and demand­ed that the actors be nat­ur­al.”

There Will Be No Leave Today, 1958:

Tarkovsky and Gor­don again col­lab­o­rat­ed on There Will Be No Leave Today, which was a joint ven­ture between the VGIK and Sovi­et Cen­tral Tele­vi­sion. “The film was no more than a pro­pa­gan­da film, intend­ed to be aired on tele­vi­sion on the anniver­sary day of the World War II vic­to­ry over the Ger­mans,” said Gor­don in a 2003 inter­view. “At the time, there was only one TV sta­tion and it would often screen pro­pa­gan­da mate­r­i­al on the great­ness­es of the USSR. This par­tic­u­lar film was broad­cast on TV for at least three con­sec­u­tive years. But this did not make the film par­tic­u­lar­ly famous, because you could see films like that on TV all day, at the time.”

There Will Be No Leave Today is based on a true sto­ry about an inci­dent in a small town where a cache of unex­plod­ed shells, left over from the Ger­man occu­pa­tion, was dis­cov­ered and–after some drama–removed. The pro­duc­tion was far more ambi­tious than that of The Killers, involv­ing a com­bi­na­tion of pro­fes­sion­al and ama­teur actors, hun­dreds of extras, and var­i­ous shoot­ing loca­tions. It was filmed in Kursk over a peri­od of three months, and took anoth­er three months to edit. Gor­don pro­vid­ed more details:

With respect to the con­tri­bu­tion done by the two directors–I and Andrei–I believe that Andrei con­tributed the major­i­ty. We wrote the script togeth­er right at the start. There was an addi­tion­al scriptwriter, who was sub­se­quent­ly replaced by anoth­er group of scriptwrit­ers. Col­lab­o­ra­tion was very good dur­ing this first stage. Dur­ing the sec­ond stage, Andrei fin­ished up the script, with the scenes in the hos­pi­tal and the sto­ry of the vol­un­teer who det­o­nates the bomb–these ideas were Andrei’s. It was a jovial atmos­phere, we dis­cussed the scenes in the evening. The main sto­ry­line was cre­at­ed in the begin­ning, when we wrote the script, and no great changes were made to it. It was very easy work.

Despite the scope of the sto­ry, and occa­sion­al com­par­isons to Hen­ri-Georges Clouzot’s 1953 thriller The Wages of Fear, it’s clear that nei­ther Gor­don nor Tarkovsky took the film very seri­ous­ly. It was sim­ply a learn­ing exer­cise. Per­haps the only sur­pris­ing thing is that Tarkovsky, who would lat­er strug­gle bit­ter­ly with Sovi­et bureau­crats over the artis­tic integri­ty of his work, would sub­mit so read­i­ly to mak­ing a pro­pa­gan­da film. “VGIK pro­posed that we make a prac­tice film intend­ed for TV audi­ences, a pro­pa­gan­da piece on the vic­to­ry of the USSR over the Ger­mans,” said Gor­don, “and we just chose an easy, uncom­pli­cat­ed script. We did not set out to do a mas­ter­piece. Our focus was on learn­ing the ele­men­taries of film­mak­ing, through mak­ing a film that was rel­a­tive­ly uncom­pli­cat­ed and also easy for the peo­ple to con­sume. Andrei was hap­py with this. He had no prob­lems with this approach.”

The Steam­roller and the Vio­lin, 1960:

Watch the full film here.

Tarkovsky’s first work as sole direc­tor, The Steam­roller and the Vio­lin, is an artis­ti­cal­ly ambi­tious film, one that in many ways fore­shad­ows what was lat­er to come. As Robert Bird writes in Andrei Tarkows­ki: Ele­ments of Cin­e­ma:

When the door opens in the first shot of Steam­roller and Vio­lin one sens­es the cur­tain going up on Andrei Tarkovsky’s career in cin­e­ma. Out of this door will pro­ceed an entire line of char­ac­ters, from the medieval icon-painter Andrei Rublëv to the post-apoc­a­lyp­tic vision­ar­ies Domeni­co and Alexan­der. It will open onto native land­scapes and alien words, onto scenes of medieval des­o­la­tion and post-his­tor­i­cal apoc­a­lypse, and onto the inner­most recess­es of con­science. Yet, for the moment, the open door reveals only a chub­by lit­tle school­boy named Sasha with a vio­lin case and music fold­er, who awk­ward­ly and ten­ta­tive­ly emerges into the famil­iar, if hos­tile court­yard of a Stal­in-era block of flats.

The young direc­tor expressed his plan for The Steam­roller and the Vio­lin in an inter­view with a pol­ish jour­nal­ist, lat­er trans­lat­ed into Eng­lish by Trond S. Trond­sen and Jan Bielaws­ki at Nostalghia.com:

Although it’s dan­ger­ous to admit–because one does­n’t know whether the film will be successful–the intent is to make a poet­ic film. We are bas­ing prac­ti­cal­ly every­thing on mood, on atmos­phere. In my film there has to be a dra­matur­gy of image, not of lit­er­a­ture.

The project was Tarkovsky’s “diplo­ma film,” a require­ment for grad­u­a­tion. He wrote the script with fel­low stu­dent Andrei Kon­chalovsky over a peri­od of more than six months. It tells the sto­ry of a friend­ship between a sen­si­tive lit­tle boy, who is bul­lied by oth­er chil­dren and sti­fled by his music teacher, and a man who oper­ates a steam­roller at a road con­struc­tion site near the child’s home. The boy needs a father fig­ure. The man is emo­tion­al­ly trou­bled by his wartime expe­ri­ences and finds solace in work. He resists the flir­ta­tions of women. When he sees a group of chil­dren bul­ly­ing the boy on his way to a vio­lin les­son, he comes to the child’s aid and they become friends. “Those two peo­ple, so dif­fer­ent in every respect,” said Tarkovsky, “com­ple­ment and need one anoth­er.”

The film marks the begin­ning of Tarkovsky’s cin­e­mat­ic obses­sion with meta­physics. Accord­ing to Trond­sen and Bielaws­ki, “VGIK archive doc­u­ments reveal that the direc­tor’s inten­tion with The Steam­roller and the Vio­lin was to chart the attempts at con­tact between two very dif­fer­ent worlds, that of art and labor, or, as he referred to it as, ‘the spir­i­tu­al and the mate­r­i­al.’ ” The inner world of the boy is sug­gest­ed in pris­mat­ic effects of light sparkling through water and glass and images split into mul­ti­ples. The work­er’s world, by con­trast, is con­crete and earth.

When Tarkovsky fin­ished his film, not every­one at Mos­film, the gov­ern­ment agency that fund­ed the project, liked what they saw. “Sur­pris­ing­ly,” writes Bird, “it was Tarkovsky’s sub­tle inno­va­tion in this seem­ing­ly harm­less short film that inau­gu­rat­ed the adver­sar­i­al tone that sub­se­quent­ly came to dom­i­nate his rela­tion­ship with the Sovi­et cin­e­ma author­i­ties. Unlike­ly as it seems, Steam­roller and Vio­lin was hound­ed from pil­lar to post by vig­i­lant aes­thet­ic watch­dogs and was lucky to have been released at all.” As part of the process of earn­ing his degree, Tarkovsky had to defend his film dur­ing a meet­ing of the artis­tic coun­cil of the Fourth Cre­ative Unit of Mos­film on Jan­u­ary 6, 1961. The crit­i­cisms were var­ied, accord­ing to Bird, but much of it came down to resent­ment over the por­tray­al of a social­ly elite rich boy in con­trast to a poor work­er. Tarkovsky’s response to his crit­ics was cap­tured by a stenog­ra­ph­er:

I don’t under­stand how the idea arose that we see here a rich lit­tle vio­lin­ist and a poor work­er. I don’t under­stand this, and I prob­a­bly nev­er will be able to in my entire life. If it is based on the fact that every­thing is root­ed in the con­trast in the inter­re­la­tions between the boy and the work­er, then the point here is the con­trast between art and labor, because these are dif­fer­ent things and only at the stage of com­mu­nism will man find it pos­si­ble to be spir­i­tu­al­ly and phys­i­cal­ly organ­ic. But this is a prob­lem of the future and I will not allow this to be con­fused. This is what the pic­ture is ded­i­cat­ed to.

Despite the back­lash at Mos­film, the author­i­ties at the VGIK were impressed. Tarkovsky grad­u­at­ed with high marks, and over time the film has acquired the respect and appre­ci­a­tion its mak­er desired. “The Steam­roller and the Vio­lin,” write Trond­sen and Bielaws­ki, “must be regard­ed as an inte­gral part of Tarkovsky’s oeu­vre, as it is indeed ‘Tarkovskian’ in every sense of the word.”

NOTE: All three stu­dent films will now be includ­ed in our pop­u­lar col­lec­tion of Free Tarkovsky Films Online.

Relat­ed con­tent:

Stan­ley Kubrick­’s Very First Films: Three Short Doc­u­men­taries

Mar­tin Scors­ese’s Very First Films: Three Imag­i­na­tive Short Works

 

Explorer David Livingstone’s Diary (Written in Berry Juice) Now Digitized with New Imaging Technology

One of the 19th century’s most intrigu­ing fig­ures, the Scot­tish explor­er David Liv­ing­stone may be best known for words uttered by a reporter when the two men met on the shores of Lake Tan­ganyi­ka: “Dr. Liv­ing­stone, I pre­sume?”

David Liv­ing­stone dis­ap­peared in Africa for six years before meet­ing the famous­ly quot­ed Hen­ry Mor­ton Stan­ley. He was a hero in Vic­to­ri­an Eng­land for his rags-to-rich­es sto­ry of an impov­er­ished boy who went on to become a sci­en­tif­ic inves­ti­ga­tor and anti-slav­ery cru­sad­er. Liv­ing­stone became impas­sioned about the poten­tial of Chris­tian­i­ty to erad­i­cate the slave trade in Africa and took his mis­sion­ary work into the African inte­ri­or.

An avid chron­i­cler of his adven­tures, Liv­ing­stone left behind a num­ber of jour­nals, but one of his most vivid accounts—of a mas­sacre hit wit­nessed in 1871—has been inac­ces­si­ble until now. Liv­ing­stone’s 1871 Field Diary cap­tures a five-month peri­od when the explor­er was strand­ed in a vil­lage in the Con­go. He had run out of paper and ink to main­tain his usu­al jour­nal, so he impro­vised by writ­ing over an old copy of The Stan­dard news­pa­per using ink made from the seeds of a local berry.

In col­lab­o­ra­tion with British and Amer­i­can archivists, the UCLA Dig­i­tal Library Pro­gram used spec­tral imag­ing tech­nol­o­gy to dig­i­tize the del­i­cate mate­r­i­al. Over­all the site offers an inter­est­ing pre­sen­ta­tion of Livingstone’s work, though the diary pages them­selves aren’t too leg­i­ble. Crit­i­cal notes are abun­dant and intrigu­ing, and diary pages appear side-by-side with tran­scrip­tions. View­ers can zoom in to study Livingstone’s spi­dery script writ­ten per­pen­dic­u­lar to the news­pa­per copy. The spec­tral imag­ing process itself is worth a look. With­out this tech­nique, the diaries appear as noth­ing more than ghost­ly scrib­bles.

Pre­vi­ous to keep­ing this field diary, Liv­ing­stone embarked on a mis­sion to find the source of the Nile Riv­er, which he misiden­ti­fied. But his the­o­ries about cen­tral African water sys­tems are fas­ci­nat­ing. Liv­ing­stone was the first Euro­pean to see Mosi-oa-Tun­ya, “the smoke that thun­ders,” water­fall, which he renamed Vic­to­ria Falls after his monarch. His diaries pro­vide a peek into a time when explo­ration was dan­ger­ous, dif­fi­cult and even dead­ly. Liv­ing­stone died of Malar­ia in present-day Zam­bia, where his heart is buried under a tree. The rest of his remains were interred at West­min­ster Abbey.

Kate Rix is an Oak­land based free­lance writer. See more of her work at .

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